We now look into the character and rise of fundamentalism in Sikhism, as well as the history of communal politics surrounding it. The founder of Sikhism was Guru Nanak (April 15/October 20, 1469 – September 22, 1539).[1] While he did not introduce any Institutional reform to establish his religious philosophy as a separate faith—instead attracting followers from both Hindu and Muslim communities by preaching his philosophy on life and spiritualism. Many of his followers, especially Hindus, maintained their Sikh identity within the pluralistic framework of Hinduism.
Philosophy and basic principles
Guru Nanak rejected idol worship, Brahminism, and the necessity of worshipping various deities for salvation, advocating instead for the equality of all human beings, irrespective of their caste and religion. In place of polytheism, he preached a simple, but strict monotheism. According to him, God is Sat (symbolizing both Truth and Real existence), the unique Almighty, omniscient, and formless. This world (or creation) is a manifestation of God's Name or Spirit. A person should live such a life, through which he or she achieves divinity and attain Nirvana or liberation.
However, Guru Nanak did not advocate for the ascetic life of a hermit. He emphasized leading both spiritual and worldly life. Giving full dignity to labour, he set the path of achieving divinity and Moksha (liberation) within the common life of a householder. He stressed the role of a true Guru as a teacher, who sets the path to liberation. He introduced a simple method of worship in a religious assembly called a Sangat. In the Sangat, anyone could join regardless of caste and religion to sing devotional songs composed by the Guru and discuss his teachings. Furthermore, everyone dined together in a community kitchen open to all, known as the Langar (Guru-ka-Langar).[2]
Sikh Gurus
For this reason, the role of the Guru is paramount in Sikhism. During his lifetime, Guru Nanak overlooked his sons' claims and nominated a worthy follower as his successor[3], who became the second Guru, Guru Angad (1504–1552).[4] Thus, nine successors followed Guru Nanak until the death of the tenth Guru, Guru Gobind Singh, in 1708. According to Sikh tradition, these ten Gurus are viewed as ten manifestations of the same spirit.
Over this period of nearly 200 years, noticeable changes occurred in the outward character and religious rituals of Sikhism. Faced with the persecution of Mughal rulers and Islamic dominance, the followers as peaceful devotees transformed into fearless warriors wearing Kara[5], Kaccha[6], and Kirpan[7], though the fundamental religious philosophy of Guru Nanak remained largely unchanged.
Early periods of Sikhism
In the early periods of Sikhism, it went through a phase of peaceful social reforms and building community life. The second Guru, Guru Angad, introduced the Gurmukhi script and institutionalized the Langar system attached to Gurdwaras.[8] Guru Amar Das (the third Guru) undertook various social reforms including the introduction of widow remarriage, encouraging monogamy, fostering inter-caste alliances, and prohibiting Sati and the Parda (veil) system.[9] The fourth, Guru Ram Das, built the city of Amritsar.[10] However, as the community expanded and became noticeable to the outside world, it came into conflict with other faiths, in particular with Islam and Mughal rulers. This eventually transformed the followers of Sikhism as a warrior clan.
Conflicts with Mughals
The son of Guru Ram Das[11], the fifth Guru, Guru Arjan (1563–1606), built the Gurdwara known as Harmandir Sahib (a part of the Golden Temple) in Amritsar. One of his most vital contributions was the compilation of the Guru Granth Sahib, the holy scripture of the Sikhs. In this volume, he compiled the hymns and prayers of previous Gurus, along with the verses and songs of other Hindu and Muslim saints. He also added his own compositions.
Guru Arjan introduced Dasvandh, the practice of donating one-tenth of one's income or providing free service for the welfare of the Sikh Panth. He also reformed the system of Masands, representatives who propagated the faith and collected donations in various regions. During this time, Sikhs began addressing the Guru with the title ‘Sacha Padshah’ (the True Emperor).
This title, however, drew the ire of the fourth Mughal Emperor, Jahangir (1569–1627). He accused Guru Arjan of rebellion, specifically for allegedly assisting his eldest son, Khusrau Mirza (1587–1622), in his claim to the throne after the death of Akbar. Khusrau had rebelled against Jahangir and was imprisoned in Allahabad for life. It is said he had received Guru Arjan's blessing. When Jahangir ordered the Sikh Guru to convert to Islam, the Guru refused and subsequently died under torture while in custody.[12]
On his deathbed, Guru Arjan advised his nominated son and successor, Guru Hargobind (1595–1644), to always remain surrounded by armed security guards and to develop military training to survive Mughal attacks. Following these instructions and preparing themselves to fight against adversaries for survival in the face of constant Mughal threats and assaults transformed the Sikhs into a martial race.
Guru Hargobind began demonstrating his religious and political power to make the title of "Sacha Padshah" even more meaningful. He started carrying two swords named "Piri" (symbolizing spiritual power) and "Miri" (symbolizing temporal power). He formed the Akal Sena (Immortal Army), built a fort to secure Amritsar, and constructed the "Akal Takht" opposite the Harmandir Sahib.[13] Justice for worldly affairs was administered from the Akal Takht, while spiritual guidance was provided from the Harmandir Sahib. Guru Hargobind also changed the role of Sikh Gurus; they were no longer just spiritual mentors but became rulers and military commanders, much like contemporary kings and emperors. In 1609, Jahangir imprisoned him in Gwalior Fort. However, after 1612, Jahangir became more tolerant of other faiths and released him, after which their relationship remained friendly. But Jahangir’s son, the fifth Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan (1592–1666), again adopted a policy of religious intolerance and attacked the Sikhs. Nevertheless, the Mughal forces were defeated by the Sikhs in almost every battle.[14]
The seventh Guru, Guru Har Rai[15] (1630–1661), was the grandson of Guru Hargobind. Although he did not personally participate in any battles, he maintained a large army established by his grandfather. He supported Prince Dara Shikoh (1615–1659) in his struggle for the Mughal throne against his younger brother Aurangzeb. It is said that at the request of Emperor Shah Jahan, he sent herbal medicine for the critically ill Prince Dara Shikoh, which helped the prince recover. After Shah Jahan's third son, Aurangzeb (1618–1707) defeated Dara Shikoh and ascended the throne, he summoned Guru Har Rai to explain his actions. The Guru sent his eldest son, the 13-year-old Ram Rai (1645–1687/1689), to the Emperor. While keeping him under house arrest, Aurangzeb asked for the meaning of a verse from the Granth Sahib that the Emperor considered anti-Islamic. To avoid the King's displeasure, Ram Rai changed the meaning of that verse. Upon hearing this, the Sikh Guru excommunicated his son and nominated his younger son, Guru Har Krishan[16] (1656–1664), as the next Guru. However, Har Krishan was only five years old at the time. He passed away in childhood at the age of eight due to smallpox.
Next Sikh Guru was Guru Hargobind’s youngest son, Guru Tegh Bahadur[17] (1621–1675). He was a righteous and fearless warrior, as well as a scholar and a poet. He composed 116 hymns or stanzas that were later included in the Adi Granth. Although he assumed the role of the chief religious and political leader and remained surrounded by security guards as per Sikh tradition, he lived an austere life. He travelled extensively to various places to propagate the faith, and was engaged in social service such as establishing Gurdwaras, digging wells, and opening Langars. He was also active in seeking redress for the oppression of non-Muslims by Muslim rulers. According to Sikh lore, one such incident led to a conflict with the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. When he came forward to help Kashmiri Pandits against the oppression of the Mughal administration, he was detained at Ropar and imprisoned in Sirhind jail. Four months later, he was produced in the Delhi court. Aurangzeb ordered him to either perform a miracle or convert to Islam. He refused to do either. Consequently, three of his companions were brutally tortured and killed in front of him. On November 11, 1675, he was publicly beheaded at Chandni Chowk near the Red Fort. Following his command, his son Gobind Singh[18] (1666–1708) became the tenth and final Sikh Guru.
Establishment of Khalsa Panth
Guru Gobind Singh’s primary contribution was providing a distinct identity to Sikhism, particularly outside the broader fold of Hinduism. He dedicated himself to creating a special community among the Sikhs, who would be devoted to the faith and serve as religious warriors. He called them the Khalsa. By establishing the Khalsa community, Guru Gobind Singh transformed the mainstream Sikhs into a martial race.
Following his father’s execution by Aurangzeb, the crisis regarding the survival of Sikhism intensified in the face of Mughal hostility. He had to confront Mughal army at a very young age. Sooner he stepped into his father’s position, Aurangzeb had ordered his elimination with his family. Between the period from 1682 till his death at the hands of an assassin in 1708, he had to fight at least 18 battles. Two of his sons died in these wars, and his other two infant sons were captured and brutally executed by Aurangzeb’s army. In these adverse circumstances, Guru Gobind Singh founded the Khalsa Panth. In 1699, he introduced the initiation ceremony for the Khalsa brotherhood. Prior to this event, he had fought valiantly with Mughals. He had repelled a Mughal attack at Anandpur in 1695 and defeated them in the Battle of Guler in 1696. Yet, considering to face more such attacks from the adversaries and Mughals in near future, he felt the need of creation of a more dedicated and motivated army of soldiers, who would fight till the end for protecting Sikhism. That was the reason for introducing initiation of die-hard believers in the Khalsa brotherhood.
In 1699, the possibility of a combined attack by the Mughals and Hindu Rajas of Hill areas loomed. During the Baisakhi fair (Around 14th April, the new year day according to an Indian Solar Calendar) at Anandpur Sahib, Guru Gobind Singh suddenly appeared with a sword in hand and called upon his followers for a volunteer to sacrifice his head to step forward. The crowd, stunned by this sudden appeal, became still and silent. After the call was repeated three times, one disciple stepped forward. He took that disciple into an enclosed arena away from public view and emerged alone with a blood-stained sword. He then asked for another person to step forward. In this manner, five of his followers followed him for self-sacrifice. Finally, he emerged from the enclosure before everyone with all five alive, along with the heads of five slaughtered goats. He declared that while in Guru Nanak’s time there was only one devout Sikh (Guru Angad), that day he had found five (Panj Pyare or Five Beloved Ones) who would form the nucleus of a new brotherhood called the Khalsa.
Inspired by their ideals, anyone joining the Khalsa had to renounce all attachment to their caste, old scriptures, worship of deities, and become a follower of the one formless, immortal God and the Guru for the sake of the Sikh faith. Men initiated into the Khalsa Panth would renounce their family surnames and adopt only the title Singh (Lion). Consequently, they would carry no identity of caste or family lineage. They would wear the Five K’s[19]—Kesh (uncut hair), Kangha (a wooden comb), Kara (a steel bracelet), Kirpan (a sword), and Kachha (a type of cotton undergarment). The use of tobacco and the consumption of meat slaughtered according to Islamic rituals (Halal) were forbidden for them. They were to recognize only the lineage of the previous nine Gurus (and Guru Gobind Singh, as included after his death) and maintain no relations with followers of other sects of Sikhism. The Guru administered the Pahul (initiation) to them, and they, in turn, initiated the Guru. Thus, a Khalsa disciple became united with his Guru, and the Guru himself too got unified with the Khalsa.
Before his death, Guru Gobind Singh did not nominate any person as a successor, but instead commanded that the Granth Sahib or Adi Granth be accepted as the Guru from then on. Since then, the Guru Granth Sahib has taken the seat of a spiritual leader of the Sikh community with the status of a Guru. Under the direction of the holy book, the role of the Guru in managing and adjudicating worldly matters was collectively vested in the Khalsa Panth or the community.[20]
Even after this, the boundaries of Sikh identity within the broader circle of Hinduism remained blurred and flexible. The Khalsa brotherhood established by Guru Gobind Singh possessed certain common symbols, rituals, and practices that distinguished them from Hindus. However, Khalsa membership was often fluid. Even after being initiated from Hinduism into the Khalsa Panth, persons could re-enter the Hindu community. As a Khalsa, he also continued to follow certain Hindu customs and rituals. Khalsas too maintained their identity as part of Hindu society through kinship and marriage. Furthermore, not all Sikhs became Khalsa or Keshdhari (long-haired) Sikhs. These non-Khalsa Sikhs followed the path shown by Guru Nanak, respected the Sikh Gurus, and recognized the status of the Adi Granth as equal to the Sikh Guru. But they do not carry the symbols of the Five K’s. They are known as Sahajdhari Sikhs or "slow-adopter" Sikhs. For nearly 400 years, Sikh and Hindu identities for many of them were thus interconnected and complementary.[21]
During the 19th century, Sikh kings observed Hindu rituals and traditions alongside Sikh religious practices. During the reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh[22] (1780–1839) and his successors, the Khalsa army was one of the primary centers of power, and the Khalsa community flourished and grew. However, after the end of Sikh rule following the First Anglo-Sikh War[23] in 1846, the British stripped the Khalsa Sikhs of their privileges and dominance. From then on, the distinction between Keshdhari Khalsa Sikhs and Hindus gradually faded until its resurgence in the late 19th century.
Singh Sabha and religious movements on distinguishing Sikh identity
For the Sikh elite, the arrival of British rule in Punjab completely undermined their status. Consequently, they felt the need to strictly revive Sikh religious practices to protect against the encroachment of Christianity and to preserve their Sikh identity. The formation of the 'Singh Sabha' in 1873 marked the beginning of religious movements across various branches such as the Nirankari[24] and Namdhari[25]. A major objective of these 19th-century reform movements was to build a distinct Sikh identity outside of the Hindu identity. They restricted membership primarily to ‘pure’ Sikhs—meaning they were reluctant to recognize those as Sikhs, who did not follow the customs and practices of the Khalsa Panth. Even if these non-Khalsa followers worshipped the Sikh Gurus and visited Gurdwaras; Khalsa puritans in Singh Sabhas viewed them as Hindus.[26] On the other hand, Hindu leaders opposed these efforts. By 1899, 121 such Singh Sabhas were active. In 1902, a central organization called the 'Chief Khalsa Diwan' was formed.[27]
In contemporary Punjab, the Arya Samaj[28] was also active in the reform and ‘purification’ of Hinduism. Initially, in the early 1890s, there was an atmosphere of cooperation in purification and religious revival programs between the Arya Samaj and the Sikh reformers of the Singh Sabhas. Reformers of both religions were deeply concerned about the spread of Christianity in Punjab. However, in August 1896, when some low-caste Sikh converts returned to Hinduism at an Arya Samaj Shuddhi Sabha (assembly on purification) in Lahore, Sikh reformers became incensed and turned against the Hindu reformers. Within a few years, a conservative Sikh group called 'Tat Khalsa' (the True Khalsa) gained influence within Singh Sabhas. Their goal was to establish a well defined boundary between Sikhs and Hindus.[29] For this reason, they declared Sahajdhari Sikhs to be Hindus. Low-caste Hindus, Jats, and Sahajdhari Sikhs were all targeted by them for their conversion into Keshdhari Sikhs.[30] However, the biggest obstacle to this goal was the free social interaction in religious ceremonies and the continuity of family and marital ties between Hindus and Sikhs. Many Sikhs still considered themselves Hindus as well.[31]
The struggle for control of Gurdwaras
There was another complexity involved. In the 19th century and the first two decades of the 20th century, most shrines and Gurdwaras were controlled by Udasi[32] and Sahajdhari Mahants (priests), and even by Hindu cum Sikh devotees. After the Anglo-Sikh wars, Keshdhari Sikhs had gone into hiding due to British persecution. On the other hand, since Sahajdhari Sikhs did not wear turbans and looked like Hindus, they escaped this British wrath and could take charge of Gurdwaras. Even during the reign of the Sikh kings in Punjab, they too served as priests in these Gurdwaras.
Members of the Tat Khalsa desperately wanted to transfer control of the Gurdwaras from these Mahants to their own followers. Many of these Mahants were corrupt and did not truly follow the doctrines of the Gurus including Guru Nanak. They practiced caste discrimination and did not allow low-caste people to convert to Sikhism. However, due to the high income from the Gurdwaras, they were wealthy and carried significant social prestige. When Tat Khalsa members launched a social movement to eliminate caste discrimination among Sikhs, these Mahants opposed them. In 1907, the 'Khalsa Biradari' was formed to abolish caste discrimination among Sikhs. The Chief Khalsa Diwan supported this agenda. This organization entered into competition with the Arya Samaj to retain low-caste Hindus who had converted to Sikhism.[33]
During the British colonial era, Sikh organizations sought separate political and social representation as a minority community to enjoy various benefits in Punjab. However, Hindu-dominated parties including Congress refused to grant this. At that time, Sikhs constituted only 13% of the population in Punjab. Throughout the first two decades, Sikh participation in national politics alongside the Hindu-majority Congress was primarily contingent on the demand for reform in Gurdwara management. As mentioned earlier, these Gurdwaras were mostly under the control of non-Khalsa Sikhs. The misuse of Sikh properties managed by them was a major concern of Khalsa Sikh organizations. Hardliner Tat Khalsa reformers, therefore, sought to completely abolish Hindu customs and develop as well as protect their distinct communal identity.
By 1920, they began to forcibly seize control of these temple managements. Government law enforcement agencies firmly resisted their attempts, and sporadic conflicts with the Government spread across Punjab until 1925. During this period, 30,000 protesters were arrested, 400 lost their lives, and approximately 2,000 were injured. Finally, the movement ended victoriously in 1925 with the introduction of the ‘Sikh Gurdwaras Act’. This movement gave rise to two Sikh organizations: a central committee for managing Sikh Gurdwaras named the “Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee” (SGPC), and a political party to protect Sikh interests, the “Akali Dal”. The SGPC rapidly became a powerhouse of Sikh politics. Control over hundreds of Gurdwaras brought them immense wealth[34], and the organization assumed the role of a semi-religious authority. Since then, the competition for control over the SGPC has become a primary political struggle within the Sikh community. However, from its inception to the present day, only the Akali Dal has controlled it.[35]
The Tat Khalsa demanded guaranteed separate representation for Sikhs in the legislative council, which Congress[36] initially rejected, despite having made an agreement with the Muslim League for proportional representation for Hindus and Muslims in the 1916 Lucknow Pact.[37] This issue became politically volatile after the implementation of the Montagu-Chelmsford Committee recommendations[38] in the Government of India Act of 1919. This Act allowed 50% reservation for Muslim representatives in Punjab, but there was no such provision for Sikhs. The report suggested giving only 8 seats for Sikh constituencies in the Punjab Legislative Council. The flexibility of Sikh identity was also a point of objection for the Tat Khalsa. The declaration of identity was left to the will of the voters, and based on their declaration, both Sahajdharis and Keshdharis were considered Sikhs. The Tat Khalsa did not want Sahajdharis among Sikh voters. This led to disputes between Hindus and Sikhs regarding the claim of a separate identity. Consequently, the leadership of the Chief Khalsa Diwan weakened, and the movement of the Tat Khalsa followers grew stronger. They attempted to form a political party, the “Sikh League”, modelled after the Muslim League to achieve their demands. However, when the Punjab Provincial Government enacted the Rowlatt Act [39], widespread protests broke out across Punjab. Because of this, the program to form the political party was suspended. One of the most infamous events of this time was the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar under the command of General R.E.H. Dyer (1864–1927). On April 13, 1919, British troops blocked the main entrance of a peaceful gathering protesting the Rowlatt Act and fired indiscriminately. There, 379 people were killed and 2,000 were injured.[40]
Protests against this heinous incident spread throughout the country. As a result, for the first time, people of all religions, Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs, became united in launching a nationwide movement. However, the Chief Khalsa Diwan and traditional Sikh religious leaders acknowledged their loyalty to the government. For instance, Arur Singh Shergill (1865–1926), the manager of the Golden Temple, invited General Dyer to the temple and presented him with the five symbols of the Khalsa (Five K’s) in appreciation of his service.[41]
The inaugural session of the Central Sikh League was held in Amritsar on December 30, 1919.[42] This sparked enthusiasm among the Tat Khalsa elites, and provided a platform to advance Khalsa nationalism. This was manifested in the revival of the Akali community. The Akalis were a militant saint-sect of the Khalsa Sikhs. They declared themselves Nihangs or soldiers of the Akal (the Immortal God). The Akalis played a significant role in Sikh history; their origins dated back to the time of Guru Gobind Singh, and they saw themselves as the self-appointed guardians of the Sikh faith. Maharaja Ranjit Singh had formed an Akali army unit led by General Phula Singh (1761–1823). The soldiers under him earned substantial fame, fear, and respect. However, after Phula Singh's death, Ranjit Singh reined them in, and the Akali army virtually got disbanded. At that time, the few remaining Akali saints in Sikh society were viewed merely as eccentric mendicants. But in the summer of 1920, they began appearing at public gatherings with long Kirpans hanging from their waists. Initially, many did not take them seriously, but as their presence grew at rallies, it indicated the new enthusiasms in forwarding religious aspirations. Eventually new vitality was infused into the Khalsa Panth.[43]
The Rakab Ganj Incident
In 1912, the British government moved the capital of India from Calcutta to Delhi. To build the new capital, a wall of the Rakab Ganj Gurdwara[44] in Delhi was demolished. This wall was a monument to the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur. Sikh religious leaders protested, but the event was overshadowed by various incidents and chaotic years of World War I. In 1919, as the movement for religious rights grew stronger among Sikhs, the agitation to rebuild the Rakab Ganj wall was revived. Under the leadership of former soldier Teja Singh Samundri (1882–1926), a "Shahidi Jatha" (martyrdom squad) of 80 volunteers was formed to announce a reconstruction program. This alerted the British authorities, and to manage the situation, they quickly accepted the protesters' demands. In January 1920, the wall was rebuilt with financial aid from the Sikh Raja of the princely state of Nabha. This event became an eye opener for the Tat Khalsa leadership; they realized the importance of using religious volunteers for militant activities and adopted this strategy for future programs.[45]
The Formation of the SGPC
As previously mentioned, a primary goal of the Tat Khalsa reformers was to liberate Gurdwaras from non-Khalsa management and priests. In early October 1920, at an annual event of the Khalsa Biradari, low-caste Hindus were publicly converted to Sikhism and promised equal treatment. However, the administrators of the Golden Temple made it clear that they would not be allowed entry. Members of the Khalsa Biradari then arrived at the Golden Temple with the converts and argued with the priests, citing the inclusive philosophy of the Guru Granth Sahib. Eventually, the priest yielded. The members then entered the Akal Takht, accused the priest of sacrilegious behaviour for leaving the Granth Sahib unattended, and formed a temporary nine-member committee to manage the temple.
In this situation, the British Indian government, after consulting the Maharaja of Patiala in the second week of November, formed a 36-member committee to manage the Golden Temple. All members of this committee were Khalsa Sikhs. They were tasked with drafting rules for a temple management committee and overseeing the temple in the interim. To satisfy hardliner Sikhs, Sunder Singh Ramgarhia, the manager of the recently appointed nine-member committee, was included in this 36-member body. However, the hardliners did not accept this intervention of the government in religious affairs. They announced a public gathering, inviting various Singh Sabhas, Sikh schools, and Sikh regiments of the army to form a management committee. On November 15, 1920, a massive assembly elected a 175-member committee.[46]
This committee was named the 'Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee' (SGPC). It rejected the government advisory committee; though to avoid conflict, it included the 36 members of the government committee. The Government did not interfere with this decision and allowed it to proceed.[47]
The Rise of Akali Jathas
Elated by the success of taking over the Golden Temple, various independent Akali Jathas[48] were formed to forcibly occupy other Gurdwaras. On December 12, 1920, members of the new committee met and decided to take control of all non-Khalsa-managed Gurdwaras. In practice, a small group of hardliners within the SGPC controlled the committee, often having no contact even with its elected president. Soon, many Gurdwaras were violently seized by Akali Jathas brandishing Kirpans and axes. Members who were not followers of the Khalsa Panth were excluded from these new committees.[49]
On February 20, 1921, the conflict over Gurdwara management between the Sahajdhari Mahants and Akali reformers intensified at Nankana Sahib in Lahore.[50] Receiving no government protection from the persistent pressure of the SGPC and Akali Jatha, and fearing their imminent violent attacks, Mahant Narain Das fortified the Gurdwara with his own armed forces. They opened fire on members of an Akali Jatha, who suddenly arrived. Even those who hid in covered places to escape the rain of bullets, were hunted down and killed with sharp weapons.
When the Deputy Commissioner of Police reached the spot at noon, he found the remains of 130 people, which were still burning. However, he could do little with his small force. At his request, a police contingent arrived in the evening and arrested Narain Das[51] and 26 of his associates. This incident sparked massive outrage among the Sikh public, and under the heat of their protests, the government was forced to review its Gurdwara management policy. Following this event, Akali Jathas forcibly expelled non-Khalsa Mahants from various other Gurdwaras.
In 1921, the government proposed the Sikh Gurdwaras and Shrines Act, which suggested forming a board composed of Sikhs where at least two-thirds of the members not to hold any government office. However, as the definition of a "Sikh" remained unclear, the Act was criticized not only by Khalsa fundamentalists, but also by Sahajdhari, Udasi, and Hindu leaders. In August, that year, the SGPC organized a new election in which participation was restricted solely to Khalsa Sikhs. From the elected members, a 35-member Executive Committee and a 7-member Working Committee were formed. They then took the initiative to establish a regular Akali Dal. Thus, in 1921, the Central Akali Dal was reorganized with an 11-member Executive Committee. In subsequent years, the Akali Jathas became even more revitalized in their mission to seize other Gurdwaras.[52]
The Sikh Gurdwaras Act of 1925
Finally, the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925 [53] was enacted, and the responsibility of managing Gurdwaras and shrines was given exclusively to Sikhs. A central management board consisting of 121 members was established. Additionally, the head priests of the five main Gurdwaras (Takhts), 12 nominated members from the Sikh Rajas of princely states, and 14 nominated Sikh representatives from other parts of the country were included in the committee.
Ceding to the demands of hardliner Sikhs, the government defined a "Sikh" as someone who is committed only to the Sikh Gurus and does not acknowledge any other religion. This later condition in the definition of a Sikh virtually made it mandatory for people with mixed Hindu-Sikh identities, such as Sahajdharis, to enter the Khalsa fold to maintain their Sikh identity. This law faced intense protests from Sahajdhari Sikh and Udasi organizations, but their protests proved futile. Even after independence, many amendments were brought to this law without changing its basic principles, keeping the followers of Sikhism bound within the Khalsa Panth. The 1925 Act played a crucial historical role in defining the distinctive boundary between Sikhs and Hindus.[54]
However, the implementation of this 1925 law was not easy. Many places of worship remained on the list of common claims by Sahajdhari Sikhs, Khalsa Sikhs, and Hindus who were devotees of the Sikh Gurus. This led to prolonged legal processes.[55] In a society where free interaction between Hindus and Sikhs had existed for centuries, completely isolating Sikhs from those social customs and bringing everyone under the "pure" Khalsa Panth was not a simple task. Consequently, the Sikh religious leadership has long grappled with the tensions in marking the boundaries of these social and religious practices.
Under the 1925 Act, 300 Gurdwaras and Sikh temples were brought under the control of the SGPC. Later, hundreds of other religious monuments and places of worship related to Sikh history also came under its jurisdiction. Additionally, many unregistered buildings were brought into the SGPC's ambit. According to this law, the SGPC was effectively recognized as the sole organization for the spread and sustenance of Sikhism in India. To that end, they have been conducting regular programs in rural areas. Preachers, singers, and head priests of Gurdwaras are being appointed to spread the faith. The SGPC also assume the role of a semi-religious authority for deciding matters of religious jurisprudence and disputes. They are granted the power to excommunicate individuals, who do not adhere to Khalsa principles and the Guru Granth Sahib according to their interpretation. For example, in 1984, they threatened to excommunicate the then President of India, Giani Zail Singh (1916–1994)—who was a Sikh—for ordering the Indian army's assault on the Golden Temple.[56] Beyond overseeing religious resources, the SGPC adopted various development programs for Sikh society. They established numerous schools, colleges, and hospitals, and built Gurdwaras for backward communities. In 1985, their annual expenditure was approximately 120 million rupees.[57]
Following the 1925 Act, the Akali Dal has been winning virtually all SGPC elections and eventually emerged as the primary Sikh political party. Since its inception, the Akali Dal has actively participated in nationalist political activities. The highly organized Akali workers, established in the 1920s, served as the primary stakeholders for spreading religious-political messages during the party's electoral battles. The core of their appeal to Sikh voters was identifying themselves with the Khalsa Panth.[58] The focus of the Akalis' participation in the nationalist movement and their understanding with Congress remain fixated on the prioritization of Sikh communal interests. Their primary goal was to establish the importance of Sikhs in national politics.
After the arrival of the Simon Commission[59] to review the 1919 Act, Congress boycotted it due to the lack of Indian representation. The Chief Khalsa Diwan presented the Sikh perspective to the Commission, demanding 40% reservation for Muslims, 30% for Hindus, and 30% for Sikhs in the Punjab Legislative Council. However, the Muslim League rejected this, stating that Sikhs and Hindus were not distinct. This created a sharp negative reaction among Sikh political leaders. In 1928, when the Motilal Nehru Committee[60] recommended separate representation only for Muslims, the Central Sikh League rejected the report. Later, in 1929, to ensure their participation, Congress added a clause stating that the full satisfaction and consent of Sikhs would be mandatory for any future political settlement.
In 1939, when the colonial government failed to consult domestic political parties regarding India's entry into World War II with the Allied forces, Congress resigned from provincial ministries and later called for a boycott of Indian participation in the war effort. However, Akali leaders did not join Congress in this movement. Concerned primarily about the adverse impact on Sikh youth, they organized the Khalsa Defence League and actively assisted in the recruitment of Sikh youth into the army.[61]
Following the report of the Cripps Mission [62] in 1942, and in the context of the potential partition of India into Muslim and Hindu-dominated parts, the Akali Dal outlined a proposal in June 1943 for the creation of Azad Punjab, identifying regions inhabited by 40% Muslims, 40% Hindus, and 20% Sikhs. In 1946, Akali leader Tara Singh (1885–1967) told a delegation of British Cabinet ministers that they were against partition, but if it occurred, they would also form a separate Sikh state, as Sikhs are a separate nation. In 1946, the Akali Dal Executive Committee passed a resolution for the creation of Sikhistan or Khalistan in the event of partition.[63]
Immediately following partition in independent India in 1948, a new province was formed comprising the Patiala and East Punjab States Union, known as PEPSU.[64] The Akali Dal then demanded the formation of an interim government for that province. In 1941, undivided Punjab consisted of 26% Hindus and 13% Sikhs. By 1951, the ratio in Indian Punjab changed significantly: Hindus were 61% and Sikhs 35%. During this time, the goal of the Akali Dal became the formation of a Sikh majority state. In 1953, they formally demanded a Sikh-dominated Punjab state before the State Reorganization Commission (SRC) [65] established by the government of India. They demanded the merger of Sikh-dominated areas of the then Punjab province with adjacent Sikh-majority regions of neighbouring states. At the same time, they proposed transferring Hindi-speaking areas of the then Punjab province to neighbouring states.
However, Hindu organizations opposed this; they instead demanded the merger of the Hindi-speaking state of Himachal Pradesh with Punjab to further strengthen the Hindu majority. The conflict between the Akalis and the Indian government intensified, and in 1955, they announced a movement against the government apathy. Their civil disobedience program began in May 1955. Despite the arrest of 12,000 Sikhs, there were no signs of the movement subsiding. In October 1955, the State Reorganization Commission rejected their demand for a Sikh-majority state. In 1956, while Congress was holding its annual session in Amritsar, the Akalis demonstrated their strength through an armed religious procession.
Discussions followed between the government and the Akalis. Following those talks, PEPSU was merged into Punjab, but Himachal Pradesh still retained two Sikh-dominated regions with limited autonomy. In the negotiations, the Akali Dal agreed to limit its future activities solely to religious and cultural matters. However, during the 1959 SGPC elections, the demand for Punjabi Suba (a Punjabi-speaking state) resurfaced. In 1960, the newly elected SGPC explicitly demanded the formation of a Punjabi-speaking state and launched a movement by organizing Shahidi Jathas. The Akali Jathas planned a march toward Delhi. At that time, many were imprisoned. Although they initially received public support against government suppression, their movement gradually slowed down. After the movement ebbed, the government released all prisoners. In August 1961, recently released Tara Singh began a hunger strike for the demand of Punjabi Suba. The then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964), declared their demand communal in the Parliament but agreed to appoint a commission to investigate discrimination against Sikhs in government jobs. Tara Singh ended his hunger strike. However, the Akali Dal refused to submit any evidence of government discrimination to the commission.[66]
In 1965, a sub-committee of the Indian Parliament was formed under the leadership of Indira Gandhi (1917–1984) to examine the demand for a Punjabi Suba. Finally, in March 1966, the Indian Parliament approved the formation of a new Sikh-majority Punjab state. On September 18, 1966, the Punjab Reorganisation Act 1966 [67] was enacted in the Lok Sabha. By this Act, the former state of Punjab was divided into three parts: a new Hindu-majority state of Haryana was created, and certain areas were merged with Himachal Pradesh. In the reorganized Punjab, Sikhs then constituted 54% and Hindus 44% of the population.[68]
However, in the new Punjab, the Akali Dal had to share power with Hindu-dominated parties because they had no political appeal among the Hindu populace. Furthermore, Congress still held significant influence among Sikhs. Consequently, in the five elections held between 1967 and 1980, the Akali Dal was limited to only 30% of the vote share. In 1969, they formed a government by allying with anti-Congress parties, which included the Hindu nationalist party Jana Sangh as well as atheist Communist parties. Similarly, in 1977, they formed a government in alliance with the Janata Party[69]. In the 1977 election, aftermath of the dictatorial ruling period of Emergency[70], Congress suffered a massive defeat due to public sentiments against their autocratic rule. But after the fall of the Janata government in 1980, Congress won a sweeping victory in the Lok Sabha elections. In Punjab, they won 12 out of 13 parliamentary seats, clearly proving their support among Sikhs. Upon returning to power at the Centre, Congress dismissed the Akali Dal government in Punjab and imposed the President’s Rule[71]. As we find in the subsequent discussion, this decision had far-reaching and harmful effects on the political and social landscape of Punjab and India.
The Anandpur Sahib Resolution
By 1971, the proportion of the Sikh majority in Punjab's demographics increased to 60%, a figure that was maintained in 1981. The Akali Dal, recently ousted from power, began a long campaign against the newly formed Congress government in the state from 1981. However, they became divided into two factions: one led by Sant Harchand Singh Longowal (1932–1985) and the other by Jagdev Singh Talwandi (1929–2014). The core of their demands was the 1973 Anandpur Sahib Resolution [72].
There was a debate between these two factions regarding the interpretation of the resolution's text, primarily because several versions of the resolution existed at the time. Finally, to end all controversies, the President of the Akali Dal issued an authorized version in 1982. This version reaffirmed that the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) (or Akali Dal) is the sole political stakeholder of the hopes and aspirations of the Sikh nation, and thus it has the absolute right to represent them. The primary objective of the Akali Dal was to achieve the "supremacy of the Khalsa" through the creation of a favourable environment and political system. To achieve this, the resolution outlined seven fundamental objectives.
One of the most important demands was that the capital, Chandigarh, must be handed over entirely to Punjab. Since the reorganization of the state, Chandigarh has served as the capital for both Haryana and Punjab. Another demand was the merger of Sikh-inhabited areas of neighbouring states with Punjab. Additionally, the resolution demanded greater autonomy for states, beyond the existing division of power between the Centre and the states within the constitutional framework. The resolution also stated that the Akali Dal would strive for an All India Gurdwaras Act.
It is noteworthy that although the Akali Dal was in power in alliance with the Janata Party from 1977 to 1980, they did not raise these issues. However, when the new Congress government was formed in Punjab in 1981, they once again brought the demands of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution to the political center stage and launched a movement. By early 1981, these demands were being raised, and in March 1981, at the annual conference of the All India Sikh Education organization under the patronage of the Chief Khalsa Diwan, a resolution was passed for a sovereign Sikh state and representation in the United Nations. Similarly, at the end of April, the SGPC passed a resolution declaring Sikhs a separate nation and demanding the implementation of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution.[73]
The Shift Toward “Dharam Yudh”
However, after the initial excitement of the conference subsided, the Chief Khalsa Diwan dissociated itself from the proposal for a sovereign state. The President of the Akali Dal also clarified that by "separate nation," they meant a distinct religious identity. Talwandi’s faction clarified further that they were not pressing for a sovereign state but rather for a "Punjab Desh" (Punjab country) with adequate autonomy under the Indian Union; to pursue this demand, they started a small-scale civil disobedience movement by Akali volunteers in Delhi. Akali leaders intensified their rural campaigns through Akali Jathas. Cantered around this propaganda, a list of 45 grievances regarding discrimination against Sikhs was compiled. In August 1981, an All World Sikh Convention was convened to plan a Dharam Yudh (Holy War) against the government of India.[74]
The list of 45 grievances by the Akali Dal was handed over to the Central Government. In addition of accusing the inaction of the government to act in line of the Anandpur Sahib resolutions, this list included several other issues, such as, the reduction of the specific quota for Sikhs in army recruitment; the lack of heavy industry in Punjab; the refusal to grant loans to farmers at industrial rates and to fix and raise the minimum support price for agricultural produce; the failure to protect the rights of weaker sections of the population; indifference toward the security of life and property of Sikhs living in other Indian states and abroad; the failure to name any train of Indian Railways as the "Golden Temple Express"; not granting Amritsar the status of a "holy city"; refusing permission to set up a radio station at the Golden Temple to broadcast Sikh hymns and prayers; the non-recognition of Sikh Personal Law; interference in Sikh doctrines; and the violation of the sanctity of Sikh traditions.
As negotiations with the government progressed, the list of 45 grievances was pruned down to 15. The primary demands included a declaration of "special status" for Sikhs, though what this special status specifically entailed was not defined. Furthermore, the Akali Dal demanded the cancellation of river water-sharing agreements flowing through Punjab with neighbouring states. Negotiations began in October 1981 and continued intermittently for two years without significant progress. In April 1982, a campaign was launched to obstruct the digging of a canal connecting the Yamuna and Sutlej rivers. Weeks later, the "Nahar-Roko" (Block the Canal) campaign intensified when a jatha of 1,000 Akali volunteers, led by the then SGPC president Gurcharan Singh Tohra (1924–2004), joined the movement. Following this, small groups were sent regularly for a period; the Punjab government arrested them and released them a few days later.[75]
Concessions, as well as escalation of repressive measures by the government
In June 1982, two groups launched a joint movement to drive out tobacco sellers from the vicinity of the Golden Temple. The movement intensified following government measures to ban assemblies and carry out arrests. Tensions rose further when several volunteers died in a train accident while on their way to join the protest. In October 1982, sensing the growing discontent among Sikhs, the government of India took some measures to appease them. They released 25,000 Akali prisoners and agreed to allow the broadcasting of hymns and prayers from the Golden Temple via local radio stations. Sikh passengers were permitted to carry a kirpan of a specific length in domestic flights. It was announced that the sale of tobacco, alcohol, and meat would not be permitted in areas near the Golden Temple. They stated that state governments would be consulted regarding the enactment of an All India Gurdwaras Act and promised to refer the issue of Centre-State relations to an independent commission. However, the two main demands—the complete transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab as its capital and the merger of Sikh-majority contiguous areas from other states into Punjab—remained unfulfilled.[76]
The government's concessions and announcements had little impact on the Akali Dal's determination to continue the movement. In April 1983, 40 protesters were killed in clashes with the police on the state’s national highways. In response, Akali leaders announced the formation of a suicide squad of 100,000 volunteers. A similar "Rail-Roko" (Stopping railway trains) was organized in June, and the government suspended rail services that day fearing violence. Undeterred by government warnings, the Akalis' "Kaam-Roko" (Stop Work) movement continued in provincial offices in August, leading to violent clashes with the police. In September, at the annual conference of the All India Sikh Students Federation (AISSF), Jagdev Singh Talwandi was arrested after suggesting the formation of a parallel government. However, the widespread discontent and instability made it clear that the provincial government was unable to control the situation. Consequently, President's Rule was imposed in the state in October 1983.[77]
The rise of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale
In contemporary Sikh politics, the rise of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (1947–1984) occurred at lightning speed. Born in 1947 into a peasant family, Jarnail Singh was closely associated with "Damdami Taksal," a small center of Sikh conservatism and education. He joined the center in his childhood and became its head priest in 1977. This Taksal was once located in the village of Bhindran in the Sangrur district; he adopted the title "Bhindranwale" in memory of that village.[78] He began preaching Sikh conservatism, traveling to various villages, converting many, and encouraging them not to abandon the symbols of the Khalsa. He asked all Sikhs to carry weapons like a member of the Khalsa. Bhindranwale believed in violence for the establishment of the Khalsa Sikh Panth.
His Dharam Yudh (Holy War) was initially focused on the Nirankari[79] Sikhs. The Nirankari community follows a living Guru; for this reason, the priests of the Golden Temple had declared them enemies of the Sikh Panth. In April 1978, on the day of the Vaisakhi festival[80], when the Nirankari Sikhs took out a procession with their Guru, Gurbachan Singh (1930–1980), Bhindranwale attacked the procession with his followers, kirpans in hand. When the armed guards of the Nirankaris returned fire, 13 of his supporters were killed.[81] Because of these killings, the Nirankari Guru and some of his followers were arrested, though the court later released them on the grounds that the firing was in self-defense. Bhindranwale severely criticized the then Akali government of Punjab both before and after this clash for allowing such a procession by the "outcast" Nirankaris on Baisakhi. This incident brought Bhindranwale into the headlines overnight, and his militant attitude in the interest of the Sikh Panth began to be admired by the Khalsa Sikhs of Punjab.
At that time, Congress, which was in the opposition in the state (Punjab) as well as at the Centre[82], provided various forms of support to Bhindranwale to counter the Akali Dal. With their backing, a party named 'Dal Khalsa' emerged overnight, whose primary role was to support all of Bhindranwale's statements against the Akali government. He was even seen campaigning for Congress candidates in Punjab during the 1980 Lok Sabha elections[83] and appeared on the same stage as Indira Gandhi at an election rally. In January 1980, the Congress won the Lok Sabha elections again with a massive majority.[84] However, by then, Bhindranwale had tasted success in extremist Sikh politics and strove to build his image as an uncompromising protector of the Sikh Panth. He continued his hateful and provocative speeches against the Nirankaris. In April 1980, the Nirankari Guru was assassinated at his residence in Delhi, and several of his followers were killed later. Upon learning that his name was in the police report, Bhindranwale took refuge in the Guru Nanak Niwas within the Golden Temple complex, and stayed there until he was cleared of the charges with the help of the then Union Home Minister, Zail Singh [85]. On September 9, 1981, Lala Jagat Narain (1899–1981), the owner of the Punjab Kesari group of newspapers and a critic of Bhindranwale, was murdered. Bhindranwale was arrested on September 20 on charges of involvement in that murder, but he was released two months later.[86] Yet, he publicly praised the actions of the killers.[87]
During the Akali Dal's "Nahar-Roko" movement in April 1982, various minor incidents of Hindu-Sikh clashes occurred one after another. The Central government suspected that Bhindranwale's Dal Khalsa was fuelling this communal tension; consequently, the Dal Khalsa was banned. From that time on, the Central government began planning the arrest of Bhindranwale and his associates. However, it became nearly impossible for the regular police force to arrest him from amidst his staunch supporters in Punjab. Furthermore, Bhindranwale received assistance from within the Punjab government itself to evade arrest. In July, one of his close associates, Bhai Amrik Singh (1948–1984), was arrested. Enraged by this, Bhindranwale again took refuge in the Guru Nanak Niwas within the Golden Temple complex—but this time, he planned to stay there permanently.[88]
He quickly assumed the role of a "warrior messiah." He sought to present himself to Sikh community in the mould of Guru Gobind Singh. Like the Guru, he began carrying a silver arrow and surrounded himself with a band of armed guards. He began holding "court" and warned his devotees to be alert to the government’s "anti-Sikh" plans. Simultaneously, he carried out various hateful campaigns aimed at communal division between Hindus and Sikhs. He delivered hate speeches against Hindus, claiming that Sikhs were victims of their slavery and that Hindus treated them worse than the Mughals and the British. He advised his followers to prepare for an all-out war and to wait for his commands. More explicitly, he suggested forming a squad of three motorcycle-riding youths armed with revolvers in every village to punish the "infidel" criminals who oppressed Sikhs.[89] The Sikh student organization, AISSF, supported him openly.
A wave of terrorist activities hit Punjab. Initially, local banks and jewellery shops were attacked. A Home Guard armoury was looted. Nirankari Sikhs and low-ranking government officials were selectively killed. Following this, random bomb blasts began to occur across Punjab. Between September 1981 and April 1983, hundreds of such incidents were reported, with evidences pointing to actions of motorcycle squads. On April 23, 1983, a Sikh Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police, A. S. Atwal, was murdered as he was coming out of the Golden Temple in Amritsar. In September 1983, extremist activities reached a new dimension with the indiscriminate killing of Hindus. The objective of these Sikh extremists was to create terror among Hindus so that they would leave Punjab; they also expected a similar influx of Sikhs from outside Punjab due to provoked return communal aggressions from Hindus, which did not happen then. In October, a local bus was stopped, and Hindu passengers were selectively shot dead. This incident was repeated in November. Violent clashes between Sikh extremists and security forces increased.
The Akali leadership blamed the government for this situation and stalemate. In May 1983, the SGPC President warned that there had been a persistent conspiracy by the Punjab government to create communal unrest, and in July, the Akali Dal President stated that the Central government wanted to destroy Sikhs. Yet, the government hesitated to arrest Bhindranwale from the Golden Temple and thus appealed to Akali Dal President Harchand Singh Longowal to force him to leave the temple. But, Longowal reacted sharply. He stated that this clearly proved the government’s apathy to Sikhism, as Bhindranwale was targeted due to his involvement in Sikh initiation and conversion. To further counter the government’s efforts to arrest him, Bhindranwale took up residence inside the sacred Akal Takht.[90]
At the beginning of 1984, the environment in Punjab became extremely tense. The Akali Dal's vigorous campaign for its demands, various mass movement programs, and escalating terrorist activities left both Hindu and Sikh communities perplexed and terrorized. In January 1984, the Akali Dal launched a protest against Article 25 of the Constitution[91]. This article identifies Sikhs (along with Jains and Buddhists) within the same category as Hindus or Hindu institutions. In February 1984, they began negotiations with the government of India. But at that same time, they also continued their movements and organized a one-day general strike in Punjab. Around the same time, a new explosion of terrorist activity occurred. In February, 35 Hindu residents were killed in a village by the "Motorcycle Brigade" in separate incidents. In April, terrorists launched a coordinated attack on 39 railway stations across 12 districts. Despite the rise in terrorism, the SGPC President, Gurcharan Singh Tohra, continued to support Bhindranwale. He alleged that the government was conspiring to arrest and kill him and dismissed rumours of differences between him and Bhindranwale.[92]
Operation Blue Star
It was becoming increasingly clear that Sikh extremists were using Gurdwaras as safe havens. In April, security forces located several terrorists in the Moga Gurdwara. When police attempted to surround them, heavy gunfire broke out from the temple. There were also clear indications that extremists were militarily fortifying their position within the Golden Temple with heavy weaponry. Meanwhile, the Akali Dal announced a new campaign starting June 3 to stop the movement of food grains out of Punjab. The government planned specific steps to address the situation before this campaign could begin. They planned for a counter terrorist operation, and named it ‘Operation Bluestar’[93].
As a part of this operation, the Indian Army isolated Punjab from the rest of the country. Troops equipped with tanks and heavy weaponry surrounded the Golden Temple. To send a message of national unity, both Hindu and Sikh officers were appointed to lead the troops. When the extremists hiding inside were called upon to surrender, they opened heavy fire from their fortified positions. However, the Akali leaders present inside the temple surrendered beforehand and were detained. Within a few days, the army gained full control of the temple. Bhindranwale and his followers were killed, and a vast quantity of arms and ammunition was recovered from the premises.[94]
Aftermath and the assassination of Indira Gandhi
The June 1984 attack on the Golden Temple created a severe backlash in Sikh society. By and large, Sikhs refused to accept the attack as a necessary step to curb terrorism. Instead, they viewed it as a deliberate insult to their community. For many Sikhs, the significant damage to their sacred temple became a symbol of government oppression. Following this military action, several groups of Sikh soldiers stationed in other parts of the country deserted their barracks and attempted to reach Amritsar to protect the honour of their faith. In the months following the incident, the Central government's desperate efforts to suppress terrorism further fuelled allegations of Sikh persecution. Outcry rose in various media outlets. The detention and interrogation of thousands of Sikhs had a profound impact on the community. The continued presence of the Indian Army during the extensive repairs to the Golden Temple broadened Sikh resentment. In October 1984, the Golden Temple was handed back to the SGPC. On the final day of that same October, then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her two bodyguards.[95]
There was no sincere condemnation or expression of grief for this assassination from Sikh leaders at the time, which illustrated how alienated they were from mainstream national politics. Spontaneous anti-Sikh riots in Delhi and several other places intensified this sense of isolation. According to official figures, more than 2,000 Sikhs were killed in Delhi and its suburbs, and 10,000 were rendered homeless. Thousands of Sikhs who had taken refuge in Delhi after fleeing Pakistan during Partition once again became refugees in the same city. The inability of civil authorities to quickly control the mob violence against the Sikh community in Delhi and its suburbs left Sikhs astonished and pained. Specifically, they realized that this was not a spontaneous outburst of public anger from the Hindu community rather instigations came from some of the Congress leaders and workers. Consequently, their distrust of the government increased, complicating the situation further. Allegations were made against a few local Congress leaders, who had led the violence. While Sikhs demanded justice, the Central government refused to order a judicial inquiry into the anti-Sikh riots, arguing that it would further inflame communal tensions.[96] Second-tier Akali leadership demanded the release of their leaders and threatened to resume the movement, though they could not take any concrete steps. However, the relocation of Sikh refugees from Delhi to Punjab, the commencement of court-martial proceedings against army deserters, and the introduction of extra-judicial processes for cases against Sikh extremists intensified the commitment to communal solidarity among Sikhs.[97]
Renewed tensions and the Rajiv-Longowal accord
Immediately after Indira Gandhi's death, her successor and son, Rajiv Gandhi (1944–1991), announced Lok Sabha (Parliamentary) elections. Under his leadership, the Congress formed a government with a massive majority. The new government realized that the Punjab problem could not be solved without a settlement with the Akali Dal. In March 1985, the government took several steps to break the deadlock. Akali leaders were released unconditionally in phases. The ban on the AISSF was lifted. A package of economic aid and concessions for Punjab was announced. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi ceased his criticism of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and expressed a willingness to talk to the Akali leadership if they agreed to settle disputes within the framework of the Indian Constitution. The Prime Minister's close associate, Arjun Singh (1930–2011), was appointed the Governor of Punjab, and he ordered a judicial inquiry into the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi.
The released Akali leaders, realizing that their public image had been tarnished by their voluntary surrender to the army during Operation Blue Star, attempted to restore their political credibility by adopting a renewed defiant stance against the government. Akali leader Longowal toured Punjab, severely criticizing the government. He blamed the government's miscalculated steps and "anti-Sikh" policies entirely for the current unrest in Punjab. He refused to condemn Indira Gandhi's assassins and demanded that the Central government apologize for the Operation Blue Star, while expressing sympathy and condolences for the families affected by the mission. He demanded the immediate withdrawal of all anti-terrorist laws, the abolition of special judicial processes against extremists, the release of all Sikh prisoners, and the rehabilitation of Sikh soldiers who had deserted the army.
Talwandi, the leader of the other faction, also strove to become a symbol of the movement; he sought to fill the vacuum left by Bhindranwale. He demanded that the government should fully accept all the proposals of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and demanded autonomy for Punjab. He also criticized Longowal for surrendering to the army during Operation Blue Star.[98] The General Secretary of the SGPC honoured Bhindranwale as a martyr for Sikhism, and accused the Central government of genocide against Sikhs. Proposals were made to allocate funds for martyrs' families and to provide legal aid to extremists and other prisoners of the movement. Later, after his release, the SGPC President, Gurcharan Singh Tohra, stated that the renovated Akal Takht should be demolished and rebuilt because it had not been constructed by volunteers of the Sikh community (Kar Sevak) according to Sikh tradition, but had been repaired with government assistance.
During this time, another competitor emerged in the political arena to become the face of the anti-government militant movement, challenging both Longowal and Talwandi. This was Bhindranwale's octogenarian father, Baba Joginder Singh. In May 1985, he announced that at his initiatives, the two factions led by Longowal and Talwandi had agreed to work together, and a United Akali Dal (UAD) was formed with them. Accordingly, he formed a nine-member ad-hoc committee. He nominated Longowal, Talwandi, Tohra, and the former Akali Dal Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal (1927–2023) to that committee. While Talwandi welcomed this formation, Longowal, Tohra, and Badal severed ties with the UAD. Other members of the Akali Dal also rallied behind Longowal. To make their defiance against the party's extremists clear, Longowal resigned from the post of Akali Dal President. Badal resigned as the informal leader of the MLAs in the State Legislative Assembly, and Tohra resigned from the top post of the SGPC. The leadership crisis in the Akali Dal deepened. In this situation, the district Jathedars, presidents of Akali Dal units in other states, and members of the executive committee of the Legislative Assembly persuaded each leader to withdraw their resignations. Longowal called for a week of peaceful protests and prayers to mark the anniversary of the attack on the Golden Temple. In response, the UAD called for 10 days of mourning, and the SGPC sent a legal notice to the Centre demanding 1,000 crore rupees for the damage to the sacred property.[99]
While the moderate Akalis were strengthening their position in Sikh politics, the extremists continued their terrorist activities. In March and April 1985, various isolated incidents occurred targeting Congress politicians. In May, they demonstrated their ability to strike outside Punjab. A series of transistor bombs ( bombs inserted in radio sets) exploded in areas adjacent to Delhi, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Haryana, as well as in Hindu-majority areas of Punjab. More than 80 people died in the Delhi bombings. A Hindu politician was assassinated in Hoshiarpur, Punjab. These events intensified communal tensions between Sikhs and Hindus in Punjab. In immediate retaliation, attacks were carried out against Sikhs led by a Hindu militant organization. They burned Sikh shops and attacked Sikh pedestrians. In May, that year, a plot by Sikh extremists to assassinate the Indian Prime Minister during his visit to the United States was uncovered. On June 23, Air India Flight 182, bound for Bombay from Toronto, Canada, was destroyed by a bomb explosion off the coast of Ireland, killing all 329 passengers.[100] Two extremist Sikh organizations in Canada claimed responsibility.
The moderate Akali leaders realized that the situation was becoming increasingly horrific and spiralling out of control. Akali Dal President Longowal feared that if their movement and the extremists' undeterred terrorist acts persisted, Sikh-Hindu communal riots would spread across Punjab. Therefore, he gradually toned down his appeals regarding Sikh communal grievances and rights. He began advising Sikhs to abandon hostility toward their Hindu neighbours and to direct their opposition solely toward the Central government. Through multiple public meetings, he began emphasizing Hindu-Sikh harmony. At the same time, he condemned terrorist activities and began asserting forcefully that the Akali Dal was not in favour of Khalistan.
The Central government responded quickly to engage in talks with him upon seeing signs of this change in stance. The Governor of Punjab contacted him. In July, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi sent a letter inviting him for discussions. Longowal also proceeded with extreme caution. Immediately after receiving the letter, he held a meeting with Akali Dal Jathedars and members of the Punjab Legislative Assembly. Following this, at a public rally in August, he called for the resumption of the "holy war" against the Centre. However, he did not announce any active mass movement. Instead, while touring neighbouring states and addressing Sikh gatherings, he announced that he was willing to have a meeting with the government for a settlement to resolve the situation, provided the government first released all detained persons. Within a few days, the Governor announced the release of 600 detainees and promised that those without serious charges would also be released soon. He also conveyed the Government's interest in limiting the special judicial processes announced by the Central government against extremists.
On July 23, 1985, Longowal and the Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, met. The very next day, they arrived at a resolution and agreed to sign an accord.[101] According to the terms of this agreement, the government agreed to provide compensation to the families of those killed in the movement since August 1982. Additionally, it agreed to compensate for damaged property. The government consented to relax the special powers given to the army to deal with the extraordinary situation in Punjab and to rehabilitate Sikh soldiers who had deserted the army. However, no promise of leniency was made toward Sikh soldiers charged with mutiny. The accord also stated that Chandigarh would be included as the capital of Punjab[102], and in return, a commission would be formed to identify compensatory areas to be given from Punjab to Haryana. It was announced that a Boundary Commission would decide the inclusion of Sikh-majority contiguous areas currently in other states into Punjab. Similarly, the issue of water redistribution between states was promised to be resolved in a similar manner. The Central government reaffirmed its commitment to enact an All India Gurdwaras Act in consultation with the Akali Dal. It was stated that the portion of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution concerning Centre-State relations would be referred to an independent commission. The issue of "special status" for Sikhs was not discussed.
The Aftermath of the accord and elections
Longowal was successful in getting the accord ratified by the Sikh Jathedars. However, other Akali leaders remained dissatisfied. The UAD expressed fierce opposition. Baba Joginder Singh declared Longowal a traitor. Clashes broke out between UAD supporters and Akali Dal supporters in Amritsar. Terrorist activities also saw a temporary surge in opposition to the accord. On July 28, extremists shot and killed a police sub-inspector. The following day, in a daring raid, a Congress trade union leader and Member of Parliament was shot dead.
To counter this crisis, the Central government called for early elections of the State Legislative Assembly to form a representative government in Punjab. This strategy worked. Akali leaders initially opposed the elections, but once the election schedule was announced, activity surged among Akali workers. While the UAD announced a boycott, the Akali Dal agreed to participate. On August 20, 1985, Longowal persuaded the other two major leaders, Parkash Singh Badal and Gurcharan Singh Tohra, to join the elections. On that very day, while addressing a public meeting, he was assassinated by Sikh extremists.
This assassination triggered a wave of sympathy for his party. At the cost of his life, he achieved the unity of the Akali Dal on the eve of the election. His close confidant, Surjit Singh Barnala (1925–2017), became the acting president of the Akali Dal. During the campaign, the Akali Dal emphasized Hindu-Sikh unity and maintained a conciliatory tone with the government of India. They did not mention Operation Blue Star. Similarly, Congress did not mention Indira Gandhi’s assassination and fielded new candidates to build a fresh image. Despite terrorist threats, 66% of voters participated. A significant portion of low-caste Sikhs, who had historically supported Congress, tilted toward the Akali Dal. The Akali Dal won a thumping majority, winning 7 out of 13 parliamentary seats. Under the chief ministership of Surjit Singh Barnala, their first single-majority Government was formed in Punjab.[103]
For the next few years, extremists remained active in Punjab, but they gradually became isolated from the public. The common people of Punjab, who had been trapped at the dangerous dead-end of communal politics and Hindu-Sikh division, were able to breath normally. Leaving the dark days of 1984 behind, they continue to live together, sharing joys and sorrows as neighbours.[104]
(Translated from a Bengali article written by the author with the help of Google Gemini).
10/4/26
[1] Guru Nanak began preaching around 1499.
[2] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 1-2.
[4] But Guru Nanak's eldest son, Shri Chand, was adamant in his claim to the family succession and founded a branch called Udasi. Later, such family conflicts arose in the selection of Sikh gurus. However, those conflicts never became bloody and destructive. The claimants to the title of Guru formed separate branches with their own followers. Later, Sikh fundamentalists practically expelled them from the larger arena of Sikhism. (Author)
[5] Kara (Iron/Steel Bracelet): Symbolizes strength, eternity, and a direct link to the Guru.
[6] Kachha (Cotton Undergarment): Represents self-control, chastity, and readiness for action.
[7] Kirpan (Ceremonial Sword): Represents duty to protect the weak, justice, and courage.
[10] Then named Ramdaspur. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guru_Ram_Das
[11] Subsequent Gurus followed the tradition of nominating a son or family member.
[13] The Golden Temple complex consists of these two main buildings.
[19] ‘Panch Ka’: The first alphabet in the table of consonants in various Indian scripts including Gurumukhi (for consonants) is ‘Ka’.
[20] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 3-4.
[21] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. xii-xiii.
[22] He established the Sikh Empire in 1801, which eventually spanned a vast part of North and North-West India.
[24] It is a sect of Sikhism founded by Baba Dayal Das (1783-1855) in northwest Punjab in 1851. The movement emerged after the end of Sikh Empire. Nirankaris strongly believe in formless God, and stresses on ‘nama simaran’ (remembering and repeating God’s name). They follow living hereditary gurus from Baba Dyal Das lineage, and believe that it is a necessity to have guidance from a living human Guru for Nirvana. They also believe that the wisdom of their Gurus also a part of the Sikh scripture, as an open text to be added even after Guru Gobind Singh. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nirankari
[25] Like Nirankaris, Namdharis too follow a living Guru of a lineage from SatGuru Balak Singh (1812-1841) and stresses on recitation of the name of God. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Namdhari
[26] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, xiii.
[27] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 18.
[28] Established by Dayananda Saraswati (1824-1883) in 1875 in Bombay believing infallibility of Vedas under a philosophy of monotheism. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arya_Samaj
[29] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 22.
[30] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 29.
[31] In the 1911 census, many people declared their religion as Sikh-Hindu. (Kapur, 1986, p. 27).
[32] Guru Nanak's son, Sri Chand (1494–1629), established this parallel sect after not being nominated as the Guru.
[33] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 45.
[34] In 1985, the organization's budget was approximately 12 million US dollars.
[35] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. xv-xvi
[36] Indian National Congress to be simply called ‘Congress’ in this discussion.
[40] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 80-81.
[41] Under pressure from Sikhs for this incident, he had to resign from the manager's post in 1920.
[42] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 87.
[43] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 92-93.
[44] When the Sikh general Baghel Singh (1730-1802) conquered Delhi in 1783, as part of a peace treaty with the then Mughal emperor, a mosque built at the site of Guru Tegh Bahadur's martyrdom was demolished and this gurudwara was built.
[45] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 93-94.
[46] https://sgpc.net/about-sgpc/
[47] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 100.
[48] A group of Akali members carrying large Kirpans and axes, pledged to the service of the Khalsa Panth.
[49] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 100.
[51] He was later hanged for the murders.
[52] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 127-129.
[54] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 185-191.
[55] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 199.
[56] The then President of India, Zail Singh, visited the Golden Temple on September 27, 1984, discussed with priests, and expressed regret and apologized for the incident. They forgave him. (India Today, Oct 15, 1984).
[57] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 195-196.
[58] This led to several conflicts between their leaders and the Election Commission of India. - Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 197.
[61] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 200-203.
[63] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 205-207.
[65] It consisted of a three-member panel—headed by Fazal Ali with K.M. Panikkar and H.N. Kunzru—tasked with recommending the reorganization of state boundaries. It proposed remapping India into 14 states and 6 union territories based on linguistic, cultural, and administrative considerations, leading to the formation of this committee. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/States_Reorganisation_Commission
[66] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 214-216.
[68] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 216.
[69] One of the constituents of the Janata Party was the Jana Sangh.
[70] June 25, 1975, to March 21, 1977.
[71] President's Rule in India refers to the suspension of a state government and the imposition of direct central control under Article 356 of the Constitution, following a failure of constitutional machinery. It is also known as a state or constitutional emergency, allowing the central government to govern via the Governor. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/President%27s_rule
[73] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 219-221.
[74] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 221-222.
[75] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 223.
[76] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 224-225.
[77] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 226.
[78] Narinder Nanu, The Shattered Dome The story of the Gandhis’ biggest mistake, and how it still haunts Punjab, The Caravan, 1st May, 2014. https://caravanmagazine.in/reportage/shattered-dome
[80] Observing the first day of Vaisakh (13th or 14th April), a new year day in Hindu Calender for some regions in India including. For Sikhs it is specially observed in memory of establishment of Khalsa Panth by Guru Govind Singh in 1699. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaisakhi
[81] Narinder Nanu, The Shattered Dome The story of the Gandhis’ biggest mistake, and how it still haunts Punjab, The Caravan, 1st May, 2014. https://caravanmagazine.in/reportage/shattered-dome
[82] In a limited federal structure of Indian polity, each state is ruled with limited autonomy by a State Government and the country as a whole is ruled by a Central Government.
[83] Parliamentary election was held in 1980 at the premature fall of the Government of non-Congress alliances.
[84] Narinder Nanu, The Shattered Dome The story of the Gandhis’ biggest mistake, and how it still haunts Punjab, The Caravan, 1st May, 2014. https://caravanmagazine.in/reportage/shattered-dome
[85] The Home Minister himself stated in Parliament that Bhindranwale had no hand in the murder.
[86] Again, Zail Singh spoke in his favor in Parliament, stating no evidence was found against him for this murder.
[87] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 227.
[88] Narinder Nanu, The Shattered Dome The story of the Gandhis’ biggest mistake, and how it still haunts Punjab, The Caravan, 1st May, 2014. https://caravanmagazine.in/reportage/shattered-dome
[89] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 227.
[90] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 227-228.
[91] https://www.constitutionofindia.net/articles/article-25-freedom-of-conscience-and-free-profession-practice-and-propagation-of-religion/
[92] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 229.
[93] This military operation took place from 1st to 10th June, 1984. The army stormed Harmandir Sahib on the night of 5th June and took complete control of the Golden Temple by the Morning of 7th June. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Blue_Star
[94] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 230.
[95] On 31st October 1984, Indira Gandhi's two Sikh bodyguards, Beant Singh and Satwant Singh, shot and killed her. Both of them surrendered after killing Indira Gandhi. Beant Singh was immediately shot dead by Border Police officers. Satwant was caught by other bodyguards and arrested. He was later hanged in 1989.
[96] In May 2000, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led government formed the Justice G.T. Nanavati Commission, a one person commission, under the retired Supreme Court judge G.T. Nanavati to investigate the killings of innocent Sikhs during 1984 anti-Sikh riot. The commission submitted its report in two volumes in 2005 to the Indian government. Incidentally that time, Congress lead United Progressive Alliance (UPA) was in power under the premiership of Dr. Manmohan Singh. The commission identified several political leaders of Congress and bureaucrats responsible either for their direct involvement or for their willful failure in controlling the situation. The report led to the resignation of Jagdish Tytler, then a cabinet minister, as his name and possible involvement was mentioned in it. Prime Minister Singh apologized to the Sikh community for the Operation Blue Star and the anti-Sikh riots. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nanavati_Commission
[97] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 236-237.
[98] Talwandi was in prison at the time, so he did not face the situation of having to decide whether to surrender.
[99] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 240-241.
[102] However, Chandigarh remains a Union Territory directly governed by the central government and serves as the joint capital of Punjab and Haryana. Despite the 1985 Rajiv-Longowal Accord proposing its transfer to Punjab, the city has not been transferred, and its status as a centrally administered territory remains unchanged.
[103] Rajiv A. Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 241-249.
[104] The people of India have yet to truly appreciate the historic role played by the slain Akali Dal president Harchand Singh Longwal in pulling them back from the brink of near-destruction. (Author)
