We now look into the character and rise of fundamentalism in Sikhism, as
well as the history of communal politics surrounding it. The founder of Sikhism
was Guru Nanak (April 15/October 20, 1469 – September 22, 1539).
While he did not introduce any Institutional reform to establish his religious
philosophy as a separate faith—instead attracting followers from both Hindu and
Muslim communities by preaching his philosophy on life and spiritualism. Many
of his followers, especially Hindus, maintained their Sikh identity within the
pluralistic framework of Hinduism.
Philosophy and basic principles
Guru Nanak rejected idol worship, Brahminism, and the necessity of
worshipping various deities for salvation, advocating instead for the equality
of all human beings, irrespective of their caste and religion. In place of
polytheism, he preached a simple, but strict
monotheism. According to him, God is Sat (symbolizing both Truth and Real
existence), the unique Almighty, omniscient, and formless. This world (or
creation) is a manifestation of God's Name or Spirit. A person should live such
a life, through which he or she achieves divinity and attain Nirvana or
liberation.
However, Guru Nanak did not advocate for the ascetic life of a hermit. He
emphasized leading both spiritual and worldly life. Giving full dignity to labour, he set the path of achieving divinity and Moksha
(liberation) within the common life of a householder. He stressed the role of a
true Guru as a teacher, who sets the path to liberation. He introduced a simple
method of worship in a religious assembly called a Sangat. In the
Sangat, anyone could join regardless of caste and religion to sing devotional
songs composed by the Guru and discuss his teachings. Furthermore, everyone dined
together in a community kitchen open to all, known as the Langar (Guru-ka-Langar).
Sikh Gurus
For this reason, the role of the Guru is paramount in Sikhism. During his
lifetime, Guru Nanak overlooked his sons' claims and nominated a worthy
follower as his successor,
who became the second Guru, Guru Angad (1504–1552).
Thus, nine successors followed Guru Nanak until the death of the tenth Guru, Guru
Gobind Singh, in 1708. According to Sikh tradition, these ten Gurus
are viewed as ten manifestations of the same spirit.
Over this period of nearly 200 years, noticeable changes occurred in the
outward character and religious rituals of Sikhism. Faced with the persecution
of Mughal rulers and Islamic dominance, the followers as peaceful devotees transformed into fearless
warriors wearing Kara,
Kaccha,
and Kirpan,
though the fundamental religious philosophy of Guru Nanak remained largely
unchanged.
Early periods of Sikhism
In the early periods of Sikhism, it went
through a phase of peaceful social reforms and building community life. The second Guru, Guru Angad, introduced the Gurmukhi script and
institutionalized the Langar system attached to Gurdwaras.
Guru Amar Das (the third Guru) undertook various social reforms
including the introduction of widow remarriage, encouraging monogamy, fostering
inter-caste alliances, and prohibiting Sati and the Parda (veil)
system.
The fourth, Guru Ram Das, built the city of Amritsar.
However, as the community expanded and became noticeable to the outside world,
it came into conflict with other faiths, in particular with Islam and Mughal
rulers. This eventually transformed the followers of Sikhism as a warrior clan.
Conflicts with Mughals
The son of Guru Ram Das,
the fifth Guru, Guru Arjan (1563–1606), built the Gurdwara known as Harmandir
Sahib (a part of the Golden Temple) in Amritsar. One of his most
vital contributions was the compilation of the Guru Granth Sahib, the
holy scripture of the Sikhs. In this volume, he compiled the hymns and prayers
of previous Gurus, along with the verses and songs of other Hindu and Muslim
saints. He also added his own compositions.
Guru Arjan introduced Dasvandh, the practice of donating one-tenth of
one's income or providing free service for the welfare of the Sikh Panth. He
also reformed the system of Masands, representatives who propagated the
faith and collected donations in various regions. During this time, Sikhs began
addressing the Guru with the title ‘Sacha Padshah’ (the True Emperor).
This title, however, drew the ire of the fourth Mughal Emperor, Jahangir
(1569–1627). He accused Guru Arjan of rebellion, specifically for allegedly
assisting his eldest son, Khusrau Mirza (1587–1622), in his claim to the
throne after the death of Akbar. Khusrau had rebelled against Jahangir and was
imprisoned in Allahabad for life. It is said he had received Guru Arjan's
blessing. When Jahangir ordered the Sikh Guru to convert to Islam, the Guru
refused and subsequently died under torture while in custody.
On his deathbed, Guru Arjan advised his nominated son and successor, Guru
Hargobind (1595–1644), to always remain surrounded by armed security guards
and to develop military training to survive Mughal attacks. Following these
instructions and preparing themselves to fight against adversaries for survival in the face of constant Mughal
threats and assaults transformed the Sikhs into a martial race.
Guru Hargobind began demonstrating his religious and political power to
make the title of "Sacha Padshah" even more meaningful. He started
carrying two swords named "Piri" (symbolizing spiritual power)
and "Miri" (symbolizing temporal power). He formed the Akal
Sena (Immortal Army), built a fort to secure Amritsar, and constructed the "Akal
Takht" opposite the Harmandir Sahib.
Justice for worldly affairs was administered from the Akal Takht, while
spiritual guidance was provided from the Harmandir Sahib. Guru Hargobind also
changed the role of Sikh Gurus; they were no longer just spiritual mentors but
became rulers and military commanders, much like contemporary kings and
emperors. In 1609, Jahangir imprisoned him in Gwalior Fort. However, after
1612, Jahangir became more tolerant of other faiths and released him, after
which their relationship remained friendly. But Jahangir’s son, the fifth
Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan (1592–1666), again adopted a policy of
religious intolerance and attacked the Sikhs. Nevertheless, the Mughal forces
were defeated by the Sikhs in almost every battle.
The seventh Guru, Guru Har Rai
(1630–1661), was the grandson of Guru Hargobind. Although he did not personally
participate in any battles, he maintained a large army established by his
grandfather. He supported Prince Dara Shikoh (1615–1659) in his struggle
for the Mughal throne against his younger brother Aurangzeb. It is said
that at the request of Emperor Shah Jahan, he sent herbal medicine for the
critically ill Prince Dara Shikoh, which helped the prince recover. After Shah
Jahan's third son, Aurangzeb (1618–1707) defeated Dara Shikoh and
ascended the throne, he summoned Guru Har Rai to explain his actions. The Guru
sent his eldest son, the 13-year-old Ram Rai (1645–1687/1689), to the
Emperor. While keeping him under house arrest, Aurangzeb asked for the meaning
of a verse from the Granth Sahib that the Emperor considered
anti-Islamic. To avoid the King's displeasure, Ram Rai changed the meaning of
that verse. Upon hearing this, the Sikh Guru excommunicated his son and
nominated his younger son, Guru Har Krishan
(1656–1664), as the next Guru. However, Har Krishan was only five years old at
the time. He passed away in childhood at the age of eight due to smallpox.
Next Sikh Guru was Guru Hargobind’s
youngest son, Guru Tegh Bahadur
(1621–1675). He was a righteous and fearless warrior, as well as a scholar and
a poet. He composed 116 hymns or stanzas that were later included in the Adi
Granth. Although he assumed the role of the chief religious and political
leader and remained surrounded by security guards as per Sikh tradition, he
lived an austere life. He travelled extensively to various places to propagate the faith, and was engaged in
social service such as establishing Gurdwaras, digging wells, and opening
Langars. He was also active in seeking redress for the oppression of
non-Muslims by Muslim rulers. According to Sikh lore, one such incident led to
a conflict with the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. When he came forward to help
Kashmiri Pandits against the oppression of the Mughal administration, he was
detained at Ropar and imprisoned in Sirhind jail. Four months later, he was
produced in the Delhi court. Aurangzeb ordered him to either perform a miracle
or convert to Islam. He refused to do either. Consequently, three of his
companions were brutally tortured and killed in front of him. On November 11,
1675, he was publicly beheaded at Chandni Chowk near the Red Fort. Following
his command, his son Gobind Singh
(1666–1708) became the tenth and final Sikh Guru.
Establishment of Khalsa Panth
Guru Gobind Singh’s primary contribution was providing a distinct identity
to Sikhism, particularly outside the broader fold of Hinduism. He dedicated
himself to creating a special community among the Sikhs, who would be devoted
to the faith and serve as religious warriors. He called them the Khalsa.
By establishing the Khalsa community, Guru Gobind Singh transformed the
mainstream Sikhs into a martial race.
Following his father’s execution by Aurangzeb, the crisis regarding the survival
of Sikhism intensified in the face of Mughal hostility. He had to confront Mughal
army at a very young age. Sooner he stepped into his father’s position,
Aurangzeb had ordered his elimination with his family. Between the period from 1682
till his death at the hands of an assassin in 1708, he had to fight at least 18
battles. Two of his sons died in these wars, and his other two infant sons were
captured and brutally executed by Aurangzeb’s army. In these adverse
circumstances, Guru Gobind Singh founded the Khalsa Panth. In 1699, he
introduced the initiation ceremony for the Khalsa brotherhood. Prior to
this event, he had fought valiantly with Mughals. He had repelled a Mughal
attack at Anandpur in 1695 and defeated them in the Battle of Guler in 1696.
Yet, considering to face more such attacks from the adversaries and Mughals in
near future, he felt the need of creation of a more dedicated and motivated
army of soldiers, who would fight till the end for protecting Sikhism. That was the reason for introducing initiation
of die-hard believers in the Khalsa brotherhood.
In 1699, the possibility of a combined attack by the Mughals and Hindu Rajas
of Hill areas loomed. During the Baisakhi fair (Around 14th April,
the new year day according to an Indian Solar Calendar) at Anandpur Sahib, Guru
Gobind Singh suddenly appeared with a sword in hand and called upon his
followers for a volunteer to sacrifice his head to step forward. The crowd,
stunned by this sudden appeal, became still and silent. After the call was
repeated three times, one disciple stepped forward. He took that disciple into
an enclosed arena away from public view and emerged alone with a blood-stained
sword. He then asked for another person to step forward. In this manner, five
of his followers followed him for self-sacrifice. Finally, he emerged from the
enclosure before everyone with all five alive, along with the heads of five
slaughtered goats. He declared that while in Guru Nanak’s time there was only
one devout Sikh (Guru Angad), that day he had found five (Panj Pyare or
Five Beloved Ones) who would form the nucleus of a new brotherhood called the Khalsa.
Inspired by their ideals, anyone joining the Khalsa had to renounce all
attachment to their caste, old scriptures, worship of deities, and become a
follower of the one formless, immortal God and the Guru for the sake of the
Sikh faith. Men initiated into the Khalsa Panth would renounce their family
surnames and adopt only the title Singh (Lion). Consequently, they would
carry no identity of caste or family lineage. They would wear the Five K’s—Kesh
(uncut hair), Kangha (a wooden comb), Kara (a steel bracelet), Kirpan
(a sword), and Kachha (a type of cotton undergarment). The use of
tobacco and the consumption of meat slaughtered according to Islamic rituals (Halal)
were forbidden for them. They were to recognize only the lineage of the
previous nine Gurus (and Guru Gobind
Singh, as included after his death) and maintain no relations with followers of
other sects of Sikhism. The Guru administered the Pahul (initiation) to
them, and they, in turn, initiated the Guru. Thus, a Khalsa disciple became
united with his Guru, and the Guru himself too got unified with the Khalsa.
Before his death, Guru Gobind Singh did not nominate any person as a
successor, but instead commanded that the Granth Sahib or Adi Granth
be accepted as the Guru from then on. Since then, the Guru Granth Sahib
has taken the seat of a spiritual leader of the Sikh community with the status
of a Guru. Under the direction of the holy book, the role of the Guru in
managing and adjudicating worldly matters was collectively vested in the Khalsa
Panth or the community.
Even after this, the boundaries of Sikh identity within the broader circle
of Hinduism remained blurred and flexible. The Khalsa brotherhood established
by Guru Gobind Singh possessed certain common symbols, rituals, and practices
that distinguished them from Hindus. However, Khalsa membership was often
fluid. Even after being initiated from Hinduism into the Khalsa Panth, persons
could re-enter the Hindu community. As a Khalsa, he also continued to follow
certain Hindu customs and rituals. Khalsas too maintained their identity as part of Hindu
society through kinship and marriage. Furthermore, not all Sikhs became Khalsa
or Keshdhari (long-haired) Sikhs. These non-Khalsa Sikhs followed the
path shown by Guru Nanak, respected the Sikh Gurus, and recognized the status
of the Adi Granth as equal to the Sikh Guru. But they do not carry the symbols of the Five K’s. They are known as
Sahajdhari Sikhs or "slow-adopter" Sikhs. For nearly 400
years, Sikh and Hindu identities for many of them were thus interconnected and
complementary.
During the 19th century, Sikh kings observed Hindu rituals and traditions
alongside Sikh religious practices. During the reign of Maharaja Ranjit
Singh
(1780–1839) and his successors, the
Khalsa army was one of the primary centers of power, and the Khalsa community
flourished and grew. However, after the
end of Sikh rule following the First Anglo-Sikh War
in 1846, the British stripped the Khalsa Sikhs of their privileges and dominance.
From then on, the distinction between Keshdhari Khalsa Sikhs and Hindus
gradually faded until its resurgence in the late 19th century.
Singh Sabha and religious
movements on distinguishing Sikh identity
For the Sikh elite, the arrival of British rule in Punjab completely
undermined their status. Consequently, they felt the need to strictly revive
Sikh religious practices to protect against the encroachment of Christianity
and to preserve their Sikh identity. The formation of the 'Singh Sabha'
in 1873 marked the beginning of religious movements across various branches
such as the Nirankari
and Namdhari.
A major objective of these 19th-century reform movements was to build a
distinct Sikh identity outside of the Hindu identity. They restricted
membership primarily to ‘pure’ Sikhs—meaning they were reluctant to recognize
those as Sikhs, who did not follow the customs and practices of the Khalsa
Panth. Even if these non-Khalsa
followers worshipped the Sikh Gurus and visited Gurdwaras; Khalsa puritans in
Singh Sabhas viewed them as Hindus.
On the other hand, Hindu leaders opposed these efforts. By 1899, 121 such Singh
Sabhas were active. In 1902, a central organization called the 'Chief Khalsa
Diwan' was formed.
In contemporary Punjab, the Arya Samaj
was also active in the reform and ‘purification’ of Hinduism. Initially, in the
early 1890s, there was an atmosphere of cooperation in purification and
religious revival programs between the
Arya Samaj and the Sikh reformers of the Singh Sabhas. Reformers of both
religions were deeply concerned about the spread of Christianity in Punjab.
However, in August 1896, when some low-caste Sikh converts returned to Hinduism
at an Arya Samaj Shuddhi Sabha (assembly on purification) in Lahore,
Sikh reformers became incensed and turned against the Hindu reformers. Within a
few years, a conservative Sikh group called 'Tat Khalsa' (the True
Khalsa) gained influence within Singh Sabhas. Their goal was to establish a well
defined boundary between Sikhs and Hindus.
For this reason, they declared Sahajdhari Sikhs to be Hindus. Low-caste Hindus,
Jats, and Sahajdhari Sikhs were all targeted by them for their conversion into
Keshdhari Sikhs.
However, the biggest obstacle to this goal was the free social interaction in
religious ceremonies and the continuity of family and marital ties between
Hindus and Sikhs. Many Sikhs still considered themselves Hindus as well.
The struggle for control of
Gurdwaras
There was another complexity involved. In the 19th century and the first
two decades of the 20th century, most shrines and Gurdwaras were controlled by Udasi
and Sahajdhari Mahants (priests), and even by Hindu cum Sikh devotees.
After the Anglo-Sikh wars, Keshdhari Sikhs had gone into hiding due to British
persecution. On the other hand, since Sahajdhari Sikhs did not wear turbans and
looked like Hindus, they escaped this British wrath and could take charge of
Gurdwaras. Even during the reign of the Sikh kings in Punjab, they too served
as priests in these Gurdwaras.
Members of the Tat Khalsa desperately wanted to transfer control of the
Gurdwaras from these Mahants to their own followers. Many of these Mahants were
corrupt and did not truly follow the doctrines of the Gurus including Guru
Nanak. They practiced caste discrimination and did not allow low-caste people
to convert to Sikhism. However, due to the high income from the Gurdwaras, they
were wealthy and carried significant social prestige. When Tat Khalsa members
launched a social movement to eliminate caste discrimination among Sikhs, these
Mahants opposed them. In 1907, the 'Khalsa Biradari' was formed to
abolish caste discrimination among Sikhs. The Chief Khalsa Diwan supported this
agenda. This organization entered into competition with the Arya Samaj to
retain low-caste Hindus who had converted to Sikhism.
During the British colonial era, Sikh organizations sought separate
political and social representation as a minority community to enjoy various
benefits in Punjab. However, Hindu-dominated parties including Congress refused
to grant this. At that time, Sikhs constituted only 13% of the population in
Punjab. Throughout the first two decades, Sikh participation in national
politics alongside the Hindu-majority Congress was primarily contingent on the
demand for reform in Gurdwara management. As mentioned earlier, these Gurdwaras
were mostly under the control of non-Khalsa Sikhs. The misuse of Sikh
properties managed by them was a major concern of Khalsa Sikh organizations. Hardliner
Tat Khalsa reformers, therefore, sought to completely abolish Hindu customs and
develop as well as protect their distinct communal identity.
By 1920, they began to forcibly seize control of these temple managements.
Government law enforcement agencies firmly resisted their attempts, and
sporadic conflicts with the Government spread across Punjab until 1925. During
this period, 30,000 protesters were arrested, 400 lost their lives, and
approximately 2,000 were injured. Finally, the movement ended victoriously in
1925 with the introduction of the ‘Sikh Gurdwaras Act’. This movement
gave rise to two Sikh organizations: a central committee for managing Sikh
Gurdwaras named the “Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee” (SGPC),
and a political party to protect Sikh interests, the “Akali Dal”. The
SGPC rapidly became a powerhouse of Sikh politics. Control over hundreds of
Gurdwaras brought them immense wealth,
and the organization assumed the role of a semi-religious authority. Since
then, the competition for control over the SGPC has become a primary political
struggle within the Sikh community. However, from its inception to the present
day, only the Akali Dal has controlled it.
The Tat Khalsa demanded guaranteed separate representation for Sikhs in the
legislative council, which Congress
initially rejected, despite having made an agreement with the Muslim League for
proportional representation for Hindus and Muslims in the 1916 Lucknow Pact.
This issue became politically volatile after the implementation of the
Montagu-Chelmsford Committee recommendations in the Government of India Act of 1919. This
Act allowed 50% reservation for Muslim representatives in Punjab, but there was
no such provision for Sikhs. The report suggested giving only 8 seats for Sikh
constituencies in the Punjab Legislative Council. The flexibility of Sikh
identity was also a point of objection for the Tat Khalsa. The declaration of
identity was left to the will of the voters, and based on their declaration,
both Sahajdharis and Keshdharis were considered Sikhs. The Tat Khalsa did not
want Sahajdharis among Sikh voters. This led to disputes between Hindus and
Sikhs regarding the claim of a separate identity. Consequently, the leadership
of the Chief Khalsa Diwan weakened, and the movement of the Tat Khalsa
followers grew stronger. They attempted to form a political party, the “Sikh
League”, modelled after the Muslim League to achieve their demands.
However, when the Punjab Provincial Government enacted the Rowlatt Act ,
widespread protests broke out across Punjab. Because of this, the program to
form the political party was suspended. One of the most infamous events of this
time was the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar under the command of General
R.E.H. Dyer (1864–1927). On April 13, 1919, British troops blocked the main
entrance of a peaceful gathering protesting the Rowlatt Act and fired
indiscriminately. There, 379 people were killed and 2,000 were injured.
Protests against this heinous incident spread throughout the country. As a
result, for the first time, people of all religions, Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs,
became united in launching a nationwide movement. However, the Chief Khalsa
Diwan and traditional Sikh religious leaders acknowledged their loyalty to the
government. For instance, Arur Singh Shergill (1865–1926), the manager
of the Golden Temple, invited General Dyer to the temple and presented him with
the five symbols of the Khalsa (Five K’s) in appreciation of his
service.
The inaugural session of the Central Sikh League was held in Amritsar on
December 30, 1919.
This sparked enthusiasm among the Tat Khalsa elites, and provided a platform to
advance Khalsa nationalism. This was manifested in the revival of the Akali
community. The Akalis were a militant saint-sect of the Khalsa Sikhs. They
declared themselves Nihangs or soldiers of the Akal (the Immortal
God). The Akalis played a significant role in Sikh history; their origins dated
back to the time of Guru Gobind Singh, and they saw themselves as the
self-appointed guardians of the Sikh faith. Maharaja Ranjit Singh had formed an
Akali army unit led by General Phula Singh (1761–1823). The soldiers
under him earned substantial fame, fear, and respect. However, after Phula
Singh's death, Ranjit Singh reined them in, and the Akali army virtually got
disbanded. At that time, the few remaining Akali saints in Sikh society were
viewed merely as eccentric mendicants. But in the summer of 1920, they began
appearing at public gatherings with long Kirpans hanging from their
waists. Initially, many did not take them seriously, but as their presence grew
at rallies, it indicated the new enthusiasms in
forwarding religious aspirations. Eventually new vitality was infused
into the Khalsa Panth.
The Rakab Ganj Incident
In 1912, the British government moved the capital of India from Calcutta to
Delhi. To build the new capital, a wall of the Rakab Ganj Gurdwara
in Delhi was demolished. This wall was a monument to the martyrdom of Guru Tegh
Bahadur. Sikh religious leaders protested, but the event was overshadowed by
various incidents and chaotic years of
World War I. In 1919, as the movement for religious rights grew stronger among
Sikhs, the agitation to rebuild the Rakab Ganj wall was revived. Under the
leadership of former soldier Teja Singh Samundri (1882–1926), a "Shahidi
Jatha" (martyrdom squad) of 80 volunteers was formed to announce a
reconstruction program. This alerted the British authorities, and to manage the
situation, they quickly accepted the protesters' demands. In January 1920, the
wall was rebuilt with financial aid from the Sikh Raja of the princely state of
Nabha. This event became an eye opener for the Tat Khalsa leadership;
they realized the importance of using religious volunteers for militant
activities and adopted this strategy for future programs.
The Formation of the SGPC
As previously mentioned, a primary goal of the Tat Khalsa reformers was to
liberate Gurdwaras from non-Khalsa management and priests. In early October
1920, at an annual event of the Khalsa Biradari, low-caste Hindus were publicly
converted to Sikhism and promised equal treatment. However, the administrators
of the Golden Temple made it clear that they would not be allowed entry.
Members of the Khalsa Biradari then arrived at the Golden Temple with the
converts and argued with the priests, citing the inclusive philosophy of the
Guru Granth Sahib. Eventually, the priest yielded. The members then entered the
Akal Takht, accused the priest of sacrilegious behaviour for leaving the Granth
Sahib unattended, and formed a temporary nine-member committee to manage the
temple.
In this situation, the British Indian government, after consulting the
Maharaja of Patiala in the second week of November, formed a 36-member
committee to manage the Golden Temple. All members of this committee were
Khalsa Sikhs. They were tasked with drafting rules for a temple management
committee and overseeing the temple in the interim. To satisfy hardliner Sikhs, Sunder Singh Ramgarhia, the
manager of the recently appointed nine-member committee, was included in this
36-member body. However, the hardliners did not accept this intervention of the
government in religious affairs. They announced a public gathering, inviting
various Singh Sabhas, Sikh schools, and Sikh regiments of the army to form a
management committee. On November 15, 1920, a massive assembly elected a
175-member committee.
This committee was named the 'Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee'
(SGPC). It rejected the government advisory committee; though to avoid
conflict, it included the 36 members of the government committee. The Government
did not interfere with this decision and allowed it to proceed.
The Rise of Akali Jathas
Elated by the success of taking over the Golden Temple, various independent
Akali Jathas
were formed to forcibly occupy other Gurdwaras. On December 12, 1920, members
of the new committee met and decided to take control of all non-Khalsa-managed
Gurdwaras. In practice, a small group of hardliners within the SGPC controlled
the committee, often having no contact even with its elected president. Soon,
many Gurdwaras were violently seized by Akali Jathas brandishing Kirpans
and axes. Members who were not followers of the Khalsa Panth were excluded from
these new committees.
On February 20, 1921, the conflict over Gurdwara management between the
Sahajdhari Mahants and Akali reformers intensified at Nankana Sahib in
Lahore.
Receiving no government protection from the persistent pressure of the SGPC and
Akali Jatha, and fearing their imminent violent attacks, Mahant Narain Das
fortified the Gurdwara with his own armed forces. They opened fire on members
of an Akali Jatha, who suddenly arrived. Even those who hid in covered places to escape the rain of bullets, were hunted
down and killed with sharp weapons.
When the Deputy Commissioner of Police reached the spot at noon, he found
the remains of 130 people, which were still burning. However, he could do
little with his small force. At his request, a police contingent arrived in the
evening and arrested Narain Das and 26 of his associates. This incident
sparked massive outrage among the Sikh public, and under the heat of their
protests, the government was forced to review its Gurdwara management policy. Following
this event, Akali Jathas forcibly expelled non-Khalsa Mahants from various
other Gurdwaras.
In 1921, the government proposed the Sikh Gurdwaras and Shrines Act,
which suggested forming a board composed of Sikhs where at least two-thirds of
the members not to hold any government
office. However, as the definition of a "Sikh" remained unclear, the
Act was criticized not only by Khalsa fundamentalists, but also by Sahajdhari,
Udasi, and Hindu leaders. In August, that year, the SGPC organized a new
election in which participation was restricted solely to Khalsa Sikhs. From the
elected members, a 35-member Executive Committee and a 7-member Working
Committee were formed. They then took the initiative to establish a regular
Akali Dal. Thus, in 1921, the Central Akali Dal was reorganized with an
11-member Executive Committee. In subsequent years, the Akali Jathas became
even more revitalized in their mission to seize other Gurdwaras.
The Sikh Gurdwaras Act of 1925
Finally, the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925
was enacted, and the responsibility of managing Gurdwaras and shrines was given
exclusively to Sikhs. A central management board consisting of 121 members was
established. Additionally, the head priests of the five main Gurdwaras (Takhts),
12 nominated members from the Sikh Rajas of princely states, and 14 nominated
Sikh representatives from other parts of the country were included in the
committee.
Ceding to the demands of hardliner Sikhs, the government defined a
"Sikh" as someone who is committed only to the Sikh Gurus and does
not acknowledge any other religion. This later condition in the definition of a Sikh virtually made it mandatory for
people with mixed Hindu-Sikh identities, such as Sahajdharis, to enter the
Khalsa fold to maintain their Sikh identity. This law faced intense protests
from Sahajdhari Sikh and Udasi organizations, but their protests proved futile.
Even after independence, many amendments were brought to this law without
changing its basic principles, keeping the followers of Sikhism bound within
the Khalsa Panth. The 1925 Act played a crucial historical role in defining the
distinctive boundary between Sikhs and Hindus.
However, the implementation of this 1925 law was not easy. Many places of
worship remained on the list of common claims by Sahajdhari Sikhs, Khalsa
Sikhs, and Hindus who were devotees of the Sikh Gurus. This led to prolonged
legal processes.
In a society where free interaction between Hindus and Sikhs had existed for
centuries, completely isolating Sikhs from those social customs and bringing
everyone under the "pure" Khalsa Panth was not a simple task.
Consequently, the Sikh religious leadership has long grappled with the tensions
in marking the boundaries of these social and religious practices.
Under the 1925 Act, 300 Gurdwaras and Sikh temples were brought under the
control of the SGPC. Later, hundreds of other religious monuments and places of
worship related to Sikh history also came under its jurisdiction. Additionally,
many unregistered buildings were brought into the SGPC's ambit. According to
this law, the SGPC was effectively recognized as the sole organization for the spread
and sustenance of Sikhism in India. To that end, they have been conducting regular
programs in rural areas. Preachers, singers, and head priests of Gurdwaras are
being appointed to spread the faith. The SGPC also assume the role of a
semi-religious authority for deciding matters of religious jurisprudence and
disputes. They are granted the power to excommunicate individuals, who do not
adhere to Khalsa principles and the Guru Granth Sahib according to their
interpretation. For example, in 1984, they threatened to excommunicate the then
President of India, Giani Zail Singh (1916–1994)—who was a Sikh—for
ordering the Indian army's assault on the Golden Temple.
Beyond overseeing religious resources, the SGPC adopted various development
programs for Sikh society. They established numerous schools, colleges, and
hospitals, and built Gurdwaras for backward communities. In 1985, their annual
expenditure was approximately 120 million rupees.
Following the 1925 Act, the Akali Dal has been winning virtually all SGPC
elections and eventually emerged as the primary Sikh political party. Since its
inception, the Akali Dal has actively participated in nationalist political
activities. The highly organized Akali workers, established in the 1920s,
served as the primary stakeholders for spreading
religious-political messages during the party's electoral battles. The core of
their appeal to Sikh voters was identifying themselves with the Khalsa Panth.
The focus of the Akalis' participation in the nationalist movement and their understanding
with Congress remain fixated on the
prioritization of Sikh communal interests. Their primary goal was to establish
the importance of Sikhs in national politics.
After the arrival of the Simon Commission
to review the 1919 Act, Congress
boycotted it due to the lack of Indian representation. The Chief Khalsa Diwan
presented the Sikh perspective to the Commission, demanding 40% reservation for
Muslims, 30% for Hindus, and 30% for Sikhs in the Punjab Legislative Council.
However, the Muslim League rejected this, stating that Sikhs and Hindus were
not distinct. This created a sharp negative reaction among Sikh political
leaders. In 1928, when the Motilal Nehru Committee
recommended separate representation only for Muslims, the Central Sikh League
rejected the report. Later, in 1929, to ensure their participation, Congress added a clause stating that the full
satisfaction and consent of Sikhs would be mandatory for any future political
settlement.
In 1939, when the colonial government failed to consult domestic political
parties regarding India's entry into World War II with the Allied forces,
Congress resigned from provincial ministries and later called for a boycott of
Indian participation in the war effort. However, Akali leaders did not
join Congress in this movement.
Concerned primarily about the adverse impact on Sikh youth, they organized the Khalsa
Defence League and actively assisted in the recruitment of Sikh youth into
the army.
Following the report of the Cripps Mission
in 1942, and in the context of the potential partition of India into Muslim and
Hindu-dominated parts, the Akali Dal outlined a proposal in June 1943 for the
creation of Azad Punjab, identifying regions inhabited by 40% Muslims,
40% Hindus, and 20% Sikhs. In 1946, Akali leader Tara Singh (1885–1967)
told a delegation of British Cabinet ministers that they were against
partition, but if it occurred, they would also form a separate Sikh state, as
Sikhs are a separate nation. In 1946, the Akali Dal Executive Committee passed
a resolution for the creation of Sikhistan or Khalistan in the
event of partition.
Immediately following partition in independent India in 1948, a new
province was formed comprising the Patiala and East Punjab States Union,
known as PEPSU.
The Akali Dal then demanded the formation of an interim government for that
province. In 1941, undivided Punjab consisted of 26% Hindus and 13% Sikhs. By
1951, the ratio in Indian Punjab changed significantly: Hindus were 61% and
Sikhs 35%. During this time, the goal of the Akali Dal became the formation of
a Sikh majority state. In 1953, they formally demanded a Sikh-dominated
Punjab state before the State Reorganization Commission (SRC)
established by the government of India.
They demanded the merger of Sikh-dominated areas of the then Punjab province
with adjacent Sikh-majority regions of neighbouring states. At the same time,
they proposed transferring Hindi-speaking areas of the then Punjab province to
neighbouring states.
However, Hindu organizations opposed this; they instead demanded the merger
of the Hindi-speaking state of Himachal Pradesh with Punjab to further
strengthen the Hindu majority. The conflict between the Akalis and the Indian government
intensified, and in 1955, they announced a movement against the government
apathy. Their civil disobedience program began in May 1955. Despite the arrest
of 12,000 Sikhs, there were no signs of the movement subsiding. In October
1955, the State Reorganization Commission rejected their demand for a
Sikh-majority state. In 1956, while
Congress was holding its annual session in Amritsar, the Akalis
demonstrated their strength through an armed religious procession.
Discussions followed between the government and the Akalis. Following those
talks, PEPSU was merged into Punjab, but Himachal Pradesh still retained two
Sikh-dominated regions with limited autonomy. In the negotiations, the Akali
Dal agreed to limit its future activities solely to religious and cultural
matters. However, during the 1959 SGPC elections, the demand for Punjabi
Suba (a Punjabi-speaking state) resurfaced. In 1960, the newly elected SGPC
explicitly demanded the formation of a Punjabi-speaking state and launched a
movement by organizing Shahidi Jathas. The Akali Jathas planned a march
toward Delhi. At that time, many were imprisoned. Although they initially
received public support against government suppression, their movement
gradually slowed down. After the movement ebbed, the government released all
prisoners. In August 1961, recently
released Tara Singh began a hunger strike for the demand of Punjabi Suba. The then
Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964), declared their demand
communal in the Parliament but agreed to appoint a commission to investigate
discrimination against Sikhs in government jobs. Tara Singh ended his hunger
strike. However, the Akali Dal refused to submit any evidence of government
discrimination to the commission.
In 1965, a sub-committee of the Indian Parliament was formed under the
leadership of Indira Gandhi (1917–1984) to examine the demand for a
Punjabi Suba. Finally, in March 1966, the Indian Parliament approved the
formation of a new Sikh-majority Punjab state. On September 18, 1966, the Punjab
Reorganisation Act 1966
was enacted in the Lok Sabha. By this Act, the former state of Punjab was
divided into three parts: a new Hindu-majority state of Haryana was created,
and certain areas were merged with Himachal Pradesh. In the reorganized Punjab,
Sikhs then constituted 54% and Hindus 44% of the population.
However, in the new Punjab, the Akali Dal had to share power with
Hindu-dominated parties because they had no political appeal among the Hindu
populace. Furthermore, Congress still
held significant influence among Sikhs. Consequently, in the five elections
held between 1967 and 1980, the Akali Dal was limited to only 30% of the vote
share. In 1969, they formed a government by allying with anti-Congress parties,
which included the Hindu nationalist party Jana Sangh as well as atheist
Communist parties. Similarly, in 1977, they formed a government in alliance
with the Janata Party.
In the 1977 election, aftermath of the
dictatorial ruling period of Emergency, Congress suffered a massive defeat due to
public sentiments against their autocratic rule. But after the fall of the
Janata government in 1980, Congress won
a sweeping victory in the Lok Sabha elections. In Punjab, they won 12 out of 13
parliamentary seats, clearly proving their support among Sikhs. Upon returning
to power at the Centre, Congress
dismissed the Akali Dal government in Punjab and imposed the President’s
Rule.
As we find in the subsequent discussion, this decision had far-reaching and
harmful effects on the political and social landscape of Punjab and India.
The Anandpur Sahib
Resolution
By 1971, the proportion of the Sikh majority in Punjab's demographics
increased to 60%, a figure that was maintained in 1981. The Akali Dal, recently
ousted from power, began a long campaign against the newly formed Congress
government in the state from 1981. However, they became divided into two
factions: one led by Sant Harchand Singh Longowal (1932–1985) and the
other by Jagdev Singh Talwandi (1929–2014). The core of their demands
was the 1973 Anandpur Sahib Resolution .
There was a debate between these two factions regarding the interpretation
of the resolution's text, primarily because several versions of the resolution
existed at the time. Finally, to end all controversies, the President of the
Akali Dal issued an authorized version in 1982. This version reaffirmed that
the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) (or Akali Dal) is the sole political
stakeholder of the hopes and aspirations of the Sikh nation, and thus it has
the absolute right to represent them. The primary objective of the Akali Dal
was to achieve the "supremacy of the Khalsa" through the creation of
a favourable environment and political system. To achieve this, the resolution
outlined seven fundamental objectives.
One of the most important demands was that the capital, Chandigarh,
must be handed over entirely to Punjab. Since the reorganization of the state,
Chandigarh has served as the capital for both Haryana and Punjab. Another
demand was the merger of Sikh-inhabited areas of neighbouring states with
Punjab. Additionally, the resolution demanded greater autonomy for states,
beyond the existing division of power between the Centre and the states within
the constitutional framework. The resolution also stated that the Akali Dal
would strive for an All India Gurdwaras Act.
It is noteworthy that although the Akali Dal was in power in alliance with
the Janata Party from 1977 to 1980, they did not raise these issues. However,
when the new Congress government was formed in Punjab in 1981, they once again
brought the demands of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution to the political center
stage and launched a movement. By early 1981, these demands were being raised,
and in March 1981, at the annual conference of the All India Sikh Education
organization under the patronage of the Chief Khalsa Diwan, a resolution was
passed for a sovereign Sikh state and representation in the United Nations.
Similarly, at the end of April, the SGPC passed a resolution declaring Sikhs a
separate nation and demanding the implementation of the Anandpur Sahib
Resolution.
The Shift Toward “Dharam
Yudh”
However, after the initial excitement of the conference subsided, the Chief
Khalsa Diwan dissociated itself from the proposal for a sovereign state. The
President of the Akali Dal also clarified that by "separate nation,"
they meant a distinct religious identity. Talwandi’s faction clarified further
that they were not pressing for a sovereign state but rather for a "Punjab
Desh" (Punjab country) with adequate autonomy under the Indian Union; to
pursue this demand, they started a small-scale civil disobedience movement by
Akali volunteers in Delhi. Akali leaders intensified their rural campaigns
through Akali Jathas. Cantered around
this propaganda, a list of 45 grievances regarding discrimination against Sikhs
was compiled. In August 1981, an All World Sikh Convention was convened
to plan a Dharam Yudh (Holy War) against the government of India.
The list of 45 grievances by the Akali Dal was handed over to the Central
Government. In addition of accusing the
inaction of the government to act in
line of the Anandpur Sahib resolutions,
this list included several other issues, such as, the reduction of the specific
quota for Sikhs in army recruitment; the lack of heavy industry in Punjab; the
refusal to grant loans to farmers at industrial rates and to fix and raise the minimum
support price for agricultural produce; the failure to protect the rights of
weaker sections of the population; indifference toward the security of life and
property of Sikhs living in other Indian states and abroad; the failure to name
any train of Indian Railways as the "Golden Temple Express";
not granting Amritsar the status of a "holy city"; refusing
permission to set up a radio station at the Golden Temple to broadcast Sikh
hymns and prayers; the non-recognition of Sikh Personal Law; interference in
Sikh doctrines; and the violation of the sanctity of Sikh traditions.
As negotiations with the government progressed, the list of 45 grievances
was pruned down to 15. The primary demands included a declaration of
"special status" for Sikhs, though what this special status
specifically entailed was not defined. Furthermore, the Akali Dal demanded the
cancellation of river water-sharing agreements flowing through Punjab with
neighbouring states. Negotiations began in October 1981 and continued
intermittently for two years without significant progress. In April 1982, a
campaign was launched to obstruct the digging of a canal connecting the Yamuna
and Sutlej rivers. Weeks later, the "Nahar-Roko" (Block the
Canal) campaign intensified when a jatha of 1,000 Akali volunteers, led
by the then SGPC president Gurcharan Singh Tohra (1924–2004), joined the
movement. Following this, small groups were sent regularly for a period; the
Punjab government arrested them and released them a few days later.
Concessions, as well as escalation
of repressive measures by the government
In June 1982, two groups launched a joint movement to drive out tobacco
sellers from the vicinity of the Golden Temple. The movement intensified
following government measures to ban assemblies and carry out arrests. Tensions
rose further when several volunteers died in a train accident while on their
way to join the protest. In October 1982, sensing the growing discontent among
Sikhs, the government of India took some measures to appease them. They
released 25,000 Akali prisoners and agreed to allow the broadcasting of hymns
and prayers from the Golden Temple via local radio stations. Sikh passengers
were permitted to carry a kirpan of a specific length in domestic
flights. It was announced that the sale of tobacco, alcohol, and meat would not
be permitted in areas near the Golden Temple. They stated that state
governments would be consulted regarding the enactment of an All India
Gurdwaras Act and promised to refer the issue of Centre-State relations to an
independent commission. However, the two main demands—the complete transfer of
Chandigarh to Punjab as its capital and the merger of Sikh-majority contiguous
areas from other states into Punjab—remained unfulfilled.
The government's concessions and announcements had little impact on the
Akali Dal's determination to continue the movement. In April 1983, 40
protesters were killed in clashes with the police on the state’s national
highways. In response, Akali leaders announced the formation of a suicide squad
of 100,000 volunteers. A similar "Rail-Roko" (Stopping railway
trains) was organized in June, and the government suspended rail services that
day fearing violence. Undeterred by government warnings, the Akalis' "Kaam-Roko"
(Stop Work) movement continued in provincial offices in August, leading to
violent clashes with the police. In September, at the annual conference of the All
India Sikh Students Federation (AISSF), Jagdev Singh Talwandi was arrested
after suggesting the formation of a parallel government. However, the
widespread discontent and instability made it clear that the provincial government was unable to control the
situation. Consequently, President's Rule was imposed in the state in October
1983.
The rise of Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwale
In contemporary Sikh politics, the rise of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale
(1947–1984) occurred at lightning speed. Born in 1947 into a peasant family,
Jarnail Singh was closely associated with "Damdami Taksal," a
small center of Sikh conservatism and education. He joined the center in his
childhood and became its head priest in 1977. This Taksal was once
located in the village of Bhindran in the Sangrur district; he adopted
the title "Bhindranwale" in memory of that village.
He began preaching Sikh conservatism, traveling to various villages, converting
many, and encouraging them not to abandon the symbols of the Khalsa. He asked
all Sikhs to carry weapons like a member of the Khalsa. Bhindranwale believed
in violence for the establishment of the Khalsa Sikh Panth.
His Dharam Yudh (Holy War) was initially focused on the Nirankari
Sikhs. The Nirankari community follows a living Guru; for this reason, the
priests of the Golden Temple had declared them enemies of the Sikh Panth. In
April 1978, on the day of the Vaisakhi festival,
when the Nirankari Sikhs took out a procession with their Guru, Gurbachan
Singh (1930–1980), Bhindranwale attacked the procession with his followers,
kirpans in hand. When the armed guards of the Nirankaris returned fire,
13 of his supporters were killed.
Because of these killings, the Nirankari
Guru and some of his followers were arrested, though the court later released
them on the grounds that the firing was in self-defense. Bhindranwale severely
criticized the then Akali government of Punjab both before and after this clash
for allowing such a procession by the "outcast" Nirankaris on
Baisakhi. This incident brought Bhindranwale into the headlines overnight, and
his militant attitude in the interest of the Sikh Panth began to be admired by
the Khalsa Sikhs of Punjab.
At that time, Congress, which was in the opposition in the state (Punjab) as well as at the Centre,
provided various forms of support to Bhindranwale to counter the Akali Dal.
With their backing, a party named 'Dal Khalsa' emerged overnight, whose
primary role was to support all of Bhindranwale's statements against the Akali government.
He was even seen campaigning for Congress candidates in Punjab during the 1980
Lok Sabha elections
and appeared on the same stage as Indira Gandhi at an election rally. In
January 1980, the Congress won the Lok Sabha elections again with a massive
majority.
However, by then, Bhindranwale had tasted success in extremist Sikh politics
and strove to build his image as an uncompromising protector of the Sikh Panth.
He continued his hateful and provocative speeches against the Nirankaris. In
April 1980, the Nirankari Guru was assassinated at his residence in Delhi, and
several of his followers were killed later. Upon learning that his name was in
the police report, Bhindranwale took refuge in the Guru Nanak Niwas within the
Golden Temple complex, and stayed there until he was cleared of the charges
with the help of the then Union Home Minister, Zail Singh .
On September 9, 1981, Lala Jagat Narain (1899–1981), the owner of the Punjab
Kesari group of newspapers and a critic of Bhindranwale, was murdered. Bhindranwale
was arrested on September 20 on charges of involvement in that murder, but he
was released two months later.
Yet, he publicly praised the actions of the killers.
During the Akali Dal's "Nahar-Roko" movement in April 1982,
various minor incidents of Hindu-Sikh clashes occurred one after another. The
Central government suspected that Bhindranwale's Dal Khalsa was fuelling this
communal tension; consequently, the Dal Khalsa was banned. From that time on,
the Central government began planning the arrest of Bhindranwale and his
associates. However, it became nearly impossible for the regular police force
to arrest him from amidst his staunch supporters in Punjab. Furthermore,
Bhindranwale received assistance from within the Punjab government itself to
evade arrest. In July, one of his close associates, Bhai Amrik Singh
(1948–1984), was arrested. Enraged by this, Bhindranwale again took refuge in
the Guru Nanak Niwas within the Golden Temple complex—but this time, he planned
to stay there permanently.
He quickly assumed the role of a "warrior messiah." He sought to
present himself to Sikh community in the mould of Guru Gobind Singh. Like the
Guru, he began carrying a silver arrow and surrounded himself with a band of
armed guards. He began holding "court" and warned his devotees to be
alert to the government’s "anti-Sikh" plans. Simultaneously, he
carried out various hateful campaigns aimed at communal division between Hindus
and Sikhs. He delivered hate speeches against Hindus, claiming that Sikhs were victims
of their slavery and that Hindus treated them worse than the Mughals and the
British. He advised his followers to prepare for an all-out war and to wait for
his commands. More explicitly, he suggested forming a squad of three
motorcycle-riding youths armed with revolvers in every village to punish the
"infidel" criminals who oppressed Sikhs.
The Sikh student organization, AISSF, supported him openly.
A wave of terrorist activities hit Punjab. Initially, local banks and jewellery
shops were attacked. A Home Guard armoury was looted. Nirankari Sikhs and
low-ranking government officials were selectively killed. Following this,
random bomb blasts began to occur across Punjab. Between September 1981 and
April 1983, hundreds of such incidents were reported, with evidences pointing
to actions of motorcycle squads. On April 23, 1983, a Sikh Deputy Inspector
General (DIG) of Police, A. S. Atwal, was murdered as he was coming out
of the Golden Temple in Amritsar. In September 1983, extremist activities
reached a new dimension with the indiscriminate killing of Hindus. The
objective of these Sikh extremists was to create terror among Hindus so that
they would leave Punjab; they also expected a similar influx of Sikhs from
outside Punjab due to provoked return communal aggressions from Hindus, which
did not happen then. In October, a local bus was stopped, and Hindu passengers
were selectively shot dead. This incident was repeated in November. Violent
clashes between Sikh extremists and security forces increased.
The Akali leadership blamed the government for this situation and
stalemate. In May 1983, the SGPC President warned that there had been a persistent
conspiracy by the Punjab government to create communal unrest, and in July, the
Akali Dal President stated that the Central government wanted to destroy Sikhs.
Yet, the government hesitated to arrest Bhindranwale from the Golden Temple and
thus appealed to Akali Dal President Harchand Singh Longowal to force him to
leave the temple. But, Longowal reacted
sharply. He stated that this clearly proved the government’s apathy to Sikhism, as Bhindranwale was
targeted due to his involvement in Sikh
initiation and conversion. To further counter the government’s efforts to
arrest him, Bhindranwale took up residence inside the sacred Akal Takht.
At the beginning of 1984, the environment in Punjab became extremely tense.
The Akali Dal's vigorous campaign for its demands, various mass movement
programs, and escalating terrorist activities left both Hindu and Sikh
communities perplexed and terrorized. In January 1984, the Akali Dal launched a
protest against Article 25 of the Constitution.
This article identifies Sikhs (along with Jains and Buddhists) within the same
category as Hindus or Hindu institutions. In February 1984, they began
negotiations with the government of India. But at that same time, they also
continued their movements and organized a one-day general strike in Punjab. Around
the same time, a new explosion of terrorist activity occurred. In February, 35
Hindu residents were killed in a village by the "Motorcycle Brigade"
in separate incidents. In April, terrorists launched a coordinated attack on 39
railway stations across 12 districts. Despite the rise in terrorism, the SGPC
President, Gurcharan Singh Tohra, continued to support Bhindranwale. He alleged
that the government was conspiring to arrest and kill him and dismissed rumours
of differences between him and Bhindranwale.
Operation Blue Star
It was becoming increasingly clear that Sikh extremists were using
Gurdwaras as safe havens. In April, security forces located several terrorists
in the Moga Gurdwara. When police attempted to surround them, heavy
gunfire broke out from the temple. There were also clear indications that
extremists were militarily fortifying their position within the Golden Temple
with heavy weaponry. Meanwhile, the Akali Dal announced a new campaign starting
June 3 to stop the movement of food grains out of Punjab. The government
planned specific steps to address the situation before this campaign could
begin. They planned for a counter terrorist operation, and named it ‘Operation
Bluestar’.
As a part of this operation, the Indian Army isolated Punjab from the rest
of the country. Troops equipped with tanks and heavy weaponry surrounded the
Golden Temple. To send a message of national unity, both Hindu and Sikh
officers were appointed to lead the troops. When the extremists hiding inside
were called upon to surrender, they opened heavy fire from their fortified
positions. However, the Akali leaders present inside the temple surrendered
beforehand and were detained. Within a few days, the army gained full control
of the temple. Bhindranwale and his followers were killed, and a vast quantity
of arms and ammunition was recovered from the premises.
Aftermath and the assassination
of Indira Gandhi
The June 1984 attack on the Golden Temple created a severe backlash in Sikh
society. By and large, Sikhs refused to accept the attack as a necessary step
to curb terrorism. Instead, they viewed it as a deliberate insult to their
community. For many Sikhs, the significant damage to their sacred temple became
a symbol of government oppression. Following this military action, several
groups of Sikh soldiers stationed in other parts of the country deserted their
barracks and attempted to reach Amritsar to protect the honour of their faith.
In the months following the incident, the Central government's desperate
efforts to suppress terrorism further fuelled allegations of Sikh persecution.
Outcry rose in various media outlets. The detention and interrogation of
thousands of Sikhs had a profound impact on the community. The continued
presence of the Indian Army during the extensive repairs to the Golden Temple
broadened Sikh resentment. In October 1984, the Golden Temple was handed back
to the SGPC. On the final day of that same October, then Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi was assassinated by her two bodyguards.
There was no sincere condemnation or expression of grief for this
assassination from Sikh leaders at the time, which illustrated how alienated
they were from mainstream national politics. Spontaneous anti-Sikh riots in
Delhi and several other places intensified this sense of isolation. According
to official figures, more than 2,000 Sikhs were killed in Delhi and its
suburbs, and 10,000 were rendered homeless. Thousands of Sikhs who had taken
refuge in Delhi after fleeing Pakistan during Partition once again became
refugees in the same city. The inability of civil authorities to quickly
control the mob violence against the Sikh community in Delhi and its suburbs
left Sikhs astonished and pained. Specifically, they realized that this was not
a spontaneous outburst of public anger from the Hindu community rather
instigations came from some of the Congress leaders and workers. Consequently,
their distrust of the government increased, complicating the situation further.
Allegations were made against a few local Congress leaders, who had led the
violence. While Sikhs demanded justice, the Central government refused to order
a judicial inquiry into the anti-Sikh riots, arguing that it would further
inflame communal tensions.
Second-tier Akali leadership demanded the release of their leaders and
threatened to resume the movement, though they could not take any concrete
steps. However, the relocation of Sikh refugees from Delhi to Punjab, the
commencement of court-martial proceedings against army deserters, and the
introduction of extra-judicial processes for cases against Sikh extremists
intensified the commitment to communal solidarity among Sikhs.
Renewed tensions and the Rajiv-Longowal accord
Immediately after Indira Gandhi's death, her successor and son, Rajiv
Gandhi (1944–1991), announced Lok Sabha (Parliamentary) elections.
Under his leadership, the Congress formed a government with a massive majority.
The new government realized that the Punjab problem could not be solved without
a settlement with the Akali Dal. In March 1985, the government took several
steps to break the deadlock. Akali leaders were released unconditionally in
phases. The ban on the AISSF was lifted. A package of economic aid and
concessions for Punjab was announced. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi ceased his
criticism of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and expressed a willingness to talk
to the Akali leadership if they agreed to settle disputes within the framework
of the Indian Constitution. The Prime Minister's close associate, Arjun
Singh (1930–2011), was appointed the Governor of Punjab, and he ordered a
judicial inquiry into the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi.
The released Akali leaders, realizing that their public image had been
tarnished by their voluntary surrender to the army during Operation Blue Star,
attempted to restore their political credibility by adopting a renewed defiant
stance against the government. Akali leader Longowal toured Punjab, severely
criticizing the government. He blamed the government's miscalculated steps and
"anti-Sikh" policies entirely for the current unrest in Punjab. He
refused to condemn Indira Gandhi's assassins and demanded that the Central government
apologize for the Operation Blue Star, while expressing sympathy and
condolences for the families affected by the mission. He demanded the immediate
withdrawal of all anti-terrorist laws, the abolition of special judicial
processes against extremists, the release of all Sikh prisoners, and the
rehabilitation of Sikh soldiers who had deserted the army.
Talwandi, the leader of the other faction, also strove to become a symbol
of the movement; he sought to fill the vacuum left by Bhindranwale. He demanded
that the government should fully accept all the proposals of the Anandpur Sahib
Resolution and demanded autonomy for Punjab. He also criticized Longowal for
surrendering to the army during Operation Blue Star.
The General Secretary of the SGPC honoured Bhindranwale as a martyr for Sikhism,
and accused the Central government of
genocide against Sikhs. Proposals were made to allocate funds for martyrs'
families and to provide legal aid to extremists and other prisoners of the
movement. Later, after his release, the SGPC President, Gurcharan Singh Tohra,
stated that the renovated Akal Takht should be demolished and rebuilt because
it had not been constructed by volunteers of the Sikh community (Kar Sevak)
according to Sikh tradition, but had been repaired with government assistance.
During this time, another competitor emerged in the political arena to
become the face of the anti-government militant movement, challenging both
Longowal and Talwandi. This was Bhindranwale's octogenarian father, Baba
Joginder Singh. In May 1985, he announced that at his initiatives, the two
factions led by Longowal and Talwandi had agreed to work together, and a United
Akali Dal (UAD) was formed with them. Accordingly, he formed a nine-member
ad-hoc committee. He nominated Longowal, Talwandi, Tohra, and the former Akali
Dal Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal (1927–2023) to that committee.
While Talwandi welcomed this formation, Longowal, Tohra, and Badal severed ties
with the UAD. Other members of the Akali Dal also rallied behind Longowal. To make
their defiance against the party's extremists clear, Longowal resigned from the
post of Akali Dal President. Badal resigned as the informal leader of the MLAs
in the State Legislative Assembly, and Tohra resigned from the top post of the
SGPC. The leadership crisis in the Akali Dal deepened. In this situation, the
district Jathedars, presidents of Akali Dal units in other states, and
members of the executive committee of the Legislative Assembly persuaded each
leader to withdraw their resignations. Longowal called for a week of peaceful
protests and prayers to mark the anniversary of the attack on the Golden
Temple. In response, the UAD called for 10 days of mourning, and the SGPC sent
a legal notice to the Centre demanding 1,000 crore rupees for the damage to the
sacred property.
While the moderate Akalis were strengthening their position in Sikh
politics, the extremists continued their terrorist activities. In March and
April 1985, various isolated incidents occurred targeting Congress politicians.
In May, they demonstrated their ability to strike outside Punjab. A series of
transistor bombs ( bombs inserted in
radio sets) exploded in areas adjacent to Delhi, Rajasthan, Uttar
Pradesh, and Haryana, as well as in Hindu-majority areas of Punjab. More than
80 people died in the Delhi bombings. A Hindu politician was assassinated in
Hoshiarpur, Punjab. These events intensified communal tensions between Sikhs
and Hindus in Punjab. In immediate retaliation, attacks were carried out
against Sikhs led by a Hindu militant organization. They burned Sikh shops and
attacked Sikh pedestrians. In May, that year, a plot by Sikh extremists to
assassinate the Indian Prime Minister during his visit to the United States was
uncovered. On June 23, Air India Flight 182, bound for Bombay from
Toronto, Canada, was destroyed by a bomb explosion off the coast of Ireland,
killing all 329 passengers.
Two extremist Sikh organizations in Canada claimed responsibility.
The moderate Akali leaders realized that the situation was becoming
increasingly horrific and spiralling out of control. Akali Dal President
Longowal feared that if their movement and the extremists' undeterred terrorist acts persisted, Sikh-Hindu communal
riots would spread across Punjab. Therefore, he gradually toned down his
appeals regarding Sikh communal grievances and rights. He began advising Sikhs
to abandon hostility toward their Hindu neighbours and to direct their
opposition solely toward the Central government. Through multiple public
meetings, he began emphasizing Hindu-Sikh harmony. At the same time, he
condemned terrorist activities and began asserting forcefully that the Akali
Dal was not in favour of Khalistan.
The Central government responded quickly to engage in talks with him upon
seeing signs of this change in stance. The Governor of Punjab contacted him. In
July, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi sent a letter inviting him for discussions.
Longowal also proceeded with extreme caution. Immediately after receiving the
letter, he held a meeting with Akali Dal Jathedars and members of the
Punjab Legislative Assembly. Following this, at a public rally in August, he
called for the resumption of the "holy war" against the Centre.
However, he did not announce any active mass movement. Instead, while touring
neighbouring states and addressing Sikh gatherings, he announced that he was
willing to have a meeting with the government for a settlement to resolve the
situation, provided the government first released all detained persons. Within
a few days, the Governor announced the release of 600 detainees and promised
that those without serious charges would also be released soon. He also
conveyed the Government's interest in limiting the special judicial processes
announced by the Central government against extremists.
On July 23, 1985, Longowal and the Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, met. The
very next day, they arrived at a
resolution and agreed to sign an accord.
According to the terms of this agreement, the government agreed to provide
compensation to the families of those killed in the movement since August 1982.
Additionally, it agreed to compensate for damaged property. The government
consented to relax the special powers given to the army to deal with the
extraordinary situation in Punjab and to rehabilitate Sikh soldiers who had
deserted the army. However, no promise of leniency was made toward Sikh
soldiers charged with mutiny. The accord also stated that Chandigarh would be
included as the capital of Punjab,
and in return, a commission would be formed to identify compensatory areas to
be given from Punjab to Haryana. It was announced that a Boundary Commission
would decide the inclusion of Sikh-majority contiguous areas currently in other
states into Punjab. Similarly, the issue of water redistribution between states
was promised to be resolved in a similar manner. The Central government
reaffirmed its commitment to enact an All India Gurdwaras Act in consultation
with the Akali Dal. It was stated that the portion of the Anandpur Sahib
Resolution concerning Centre-State relations would be referred to an
independent commission. The issue of "special status" for Sikhs was
not discussed.
The Aftermath of the accord
and elections
Longowal was successful in getting the accord ratified by the Sikh Jathedars.
However, other Akali leaders remained dissatisfied. The UAD expressed fierce
opposition. Baba Joginder Singh declared Longowal a traitor. Clashes broke out
between UAD supporters and Akali Dal supporters in Amritsar. Terrorist
activities also saw a temporary surge in opposition to the accord. On July 28,
extremists shot and killed a police sub-inspector. The following day, in a
daring raid, a Congress trade union leader and Member of Parliament was shot
dead.
To counter this crisis, the Central government called for early elections
of the State Legislative Assembly to form a representative government in
Punjab. This strategy worked. Akali leaders initially opposed the elections,
but once the election schedule was announced, activity surged among Akali
workers. While the UAD announced a boycott, the Akali Dal agreed to
participate. On August 20, 1985, Longowal persuaded the other two major
leaders, Parkash Singh Badal and Gurcharan Singh Tohra, to join the elections.
On that very day, while addressing a public meeting, he was assassinated by
Sikh extremists.
This assassination triggered a wave of sympathy for his party. At the cost
of his life, he achieved the unity of the Akali Dal on the eve of the election.
His close confidant, Surjit Singh Barnala (1925–2017), became the acting
president of the Akali Dal. During the campaign, the Akali Dal emphasized
Hindu-Sikh unity and maintained a conciliatory tone with the government of
India. They did not mention Operation Blue Star. Similarly, Congress did not
mention Indira Gandhi’s assassination and fielded new candidates to build a
fresh image. Despite terrorist threats, 66% of voters participated. A
significant portion of low-caste Sikhs, who had historically supported
Congress, tilted toward the Akali Dal. The Akali Dal won a thumping majority,
winning 7 out of 13 parliamentary seats. Under the chief ministership of Surjit
Singh Barnala, their first single-majority Government was formed in Punjab.
For the next few years, extremists remained active in Punjab, but they
gradually became isolated from the public. The common people of Punjab, who had
been trapped at the dangerous dead-end of communal politics and Hindu-Sikh
division, were able to breath normally. Leaving the dark days of 1984 behind,
they continue to live together, sharing joys and sorrows as neighbours.
(Translated from a Bengali article written by the
author with the help of Google Gemini).
10/4/26
Rajiv A.
Kapur, Sikh separatism: The Politics of Faith, Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 1-2.
President's
Rule in India refers to the suspension of a state government and the imposition
of direct central control under Article 356 of the Constitution, following a
failure of constitutional machinery. It is also known as a state or
constitutional emergency, allowing the central government to govern via the
Governor. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/President%27s_rule
